Libmonster ID: TJ-811

According to the 2002 census, the number of Kazakhs in the Altai Republic was 12,108. (6 % of the population); of these, 11,125 people. They lived in rural areas, including in the border Kosh-Agach and Ulagan districts-9517 and 517, respectively, in Ust-Kansky-583 people; 11153 Kazakhs called their native language their nationality.

The history of the formation of this regional community began in the XIX century; it was predetermined by the processes of border demarcation and geopolitical strategies of the Central Asian powers, administrative and land reforms in the Russian Empire of the XVIII-mid - XIX centuries. The ethnopolitical map of the macroregion in this period had a complex dynamic structure. Only in the late 18th and early 19th centuries did the concept of "state border" become fixed; it was then that the problem of delimitation and demarcation of the eastern borders of Russia arose.

By the eighteenth century. The Sayano-Altai region became a Central Asian outpost of the Russian Empire. In the strategy of state administration, border territories, their wealth and population were considered as one of the most important resources in the development of the state.

The final formalization of the Russian border in Central Asia took place after the signing of the Margelan Treaty of 1894, which, following the Kuldzhinsky (1851), Peking (1860), Chuguchak (1864) and Petersburg (1881), created a fundamental contractual and legal basis for this. For the first time in the framework of the Chuguchak Protocol, the issue of securing the population of border territories was raised. At that time, the Russian borders included a significant territory (about 25,960 square versts) with 64 thousand souls of the nomadic population. Although the new border raised many questions, the signing of the treaty was of great importance, since it eliminated differences on territorial issues and helped to end local conflicts in the" no man's land".

Even before the border was marked, the Russian authorities allowed relocation to the Altai. Mass migration coinciding with the demarcation largely determined the content of ethno-political processes in the Siberian border regions; one of its components was the Kazakh vector.

By the end of the 18th century, the Kazakhs were given the right to move freely in Siberia in the absence of an administrative structure and fiscal duties. Gradually, the Kazakhs of the Middle Zhuz occupied the steppe areas in the Irtysh region, and later - the Kulundin steppe; at the same time, they actively developed the Bukhtarma region, penetrating into the borderlands of Gorny Altai. At the beginning of the 19th century, the formation of local groups of the Kazakh ethnic group began in a number of regions of the south of Western Siberia.

By the middle of the 19th century, Kazakh nomads occupied the entire southwestern part of the Altai Mountain circle. Since the 1850s, Kazakhs have been particularly active in developing the north-western regions of Gorny Altai, which had exits along the Charysh River valley to the Cossack villages of steppe Altai. The process of their advance to the territory of the agricultural belt intensified. Already at the beginning of the 19th century, a buffer zone was formed along the Cossack lines, in the foothills of the Altai on the borders of nomadic and agricultural cultures. In 1835, new taxable units appeared here - settled foreign councils: Sarasinskaya, Bystryanskaya, and Kokshinskaya streets. The analysis of documentary materials shows that they were polyethnic in nature.

Kazakhs played a significant role in the formation of the Sarasinsk foreign council. This administration was administratively separated from the Smolensk peasant volost after the census of 1816. According to oral tradition, at the beginning of the XIX century, during the famine in the steppe, Kazakhs of the "kopek" family migrated from the Irtysh, who began to settle in the peasant volosts of the Altai district. In 1830, there were 129 people in the village of Sarasinsky. By the end of the 19th century, there were 281 audit souls registered in the Sarasinsk foreign administration. At that time, there were 20 villages and villages, among which the most significant in the history of development of the region were Myyuta, Cheposh, Anos, Chemal, Yedigan, Bolshaya Cherga, Manzherok, Abay. According to the agricultural census of 1916, the Sarasinsk city council remained polyethnic in nature; Kazakhs in the village of Sarasino were mostly ethnic. Sarah-

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sinskom included 66 households out of 257; in the village of Bolshaya Kyrkyl - 17 out of 26; in the village of Malaya Kyrkyl - 11 out of 33.

Sarasinsk baptized Kazakhs lived mixed with Russians, Teleuts, Kumandins; they were oriented towards an agricultural (complex) economy: allotments included arable land and mowing, cattle and horses predominated in the herd, there were pigs and sheep in small quantities; beekeeping and carriage fishing were widespread. The most common surnames among Sarasin Kazakhs were: Ivanovs, Bukharins, Koptelovs, Amelyanovs, Korovnikovs, Zhavrins, Nikitins, Romanovs, Starkovs, Yegorovs, Golykh, etc. Existing within the framework of the peasant Orthodox culture, the Kazakhs retained self-consciousness, expressed in self-designation and confirmed by the special status of attributed "settled foreigners".

The further history of Sarasa was associated with the loss of the ethnic identity of the population; by the middle of the XX century, the Kazakhs had disappeared among the Russian-speaking majority. But in the middle of the XIX century. Sarasa gave rise to an enclave of Kazakhs that emerged in the Northwestern Altai on the border of the Russian agricultural and Altai nomadic ethno-cultural areas.

In the 1820s - 1830s, the Kazakhs, without the permission of the military authorities and the administration of the Mountain District, mastered the steppes from the Biysk district and the lands of the linear Cossack army on Bukhtarma to Petropavlovsk. Despite all the efforts, the practice of expelling them from the mountain district was ineffective; in 1835, according to official statistics, 8605 Kazakhs roamed on its territory; according to data for 1849, only the village Kazakhs living on the lands of the Siberian Cossack Army were 16 thousand.

In the 1850s, the question of evicting Kazakhs from the Altai Mountain District was raised again. It was during this period that their advance into the depths of the Altai, into the zone of settlement of "nomadic foreigners", began. From the middle of the 19th century, the tracts along the Cherga and Turata rivers, which flow into the Anui River (along which the Cossack villages of the Steppe Altai were located downstream), became the place of formation of a local group of Kazakhs. According to folk tradition, the first people to arrive in the Chergi Valley were runaway Kazakhs looking for land and freedom. As a result of baptism, Kazakh names disappeared from the fiscal lists, Koptelovs, Amelyanovs, Romanovs, Ugryumovs, Zadontsevs, Kuskovs, Mokins appeared - these surnames were common among baptized Kazakhs, as well as in Cossack villages along the Anuy and Charysh rivers.

Analysis of the genealogical structure of the modern Kazakhs of the Black Anuy reveals more than 20 genealogical divisions, most of which belong to the tribal associations of Naimans (about 70 %) and Kereys (20%) of the Middle Zhuz. Kazakh tribal structures are called seokas by analogy with Altaic ones; these are bura, tertkara, jarymbet, sarzhomart, tyrys-tamba, kerey, kerey-azhy, arkhyn, matay-teles, daulet, kerey-seyban, Kerey-kupubay, dzhanbek, matay-kudas, uak, tertol, konek, samay, kerey-tak, sargaldak, Sary-dumur, turanbay, shershent, etc. During the dispersed migration of Kazakhs, the principle of tribal solidarity was largely eliminated, but the family name remained a symbol of self-determination.

The ethnosocial structure of the Chernoanui Kazakhs began to take shape in the middle of the 19th century. The group was formed as a result of migration caused by administrative and territorial changes in Kazakh nomads following the adoption of the "Charter on Siberian Kyrgyz" (i.e. Kazakhs) in 1822. At this time, the resettlement of Kazakhs was most intensive. Immigrants settled in the camps of the Altai ecclesiastical mission; its Chernoanui branch was established by 1848.

The first records of the baptism of Kazakhs in the village of Cherny Anuy were preserved in the metric books of the Ulala Spasskaya Church in 1855-1870. Later, registration was conducted in the Chernoanui Holy Trinity Church in the name of the Holy Life-Giving Trinity; the church was built and consecrated in 1885-1886. at the expense of the official Fyodor Golubev.

According to the metrical records, the first inhabitants of the missionary camp were natives of the Kokpekty outer district, created in 1844 and liquidated during further transformations. Kazakh migrations coincided with the discovery and development of gold deposits within the district's borders in 1830-1860. According to church books, among the Kazakhs of the Black Anui, representatives of the Siban-Kereev volost (kerei) predominated; Terestamgaly-Naiman, Bura-Naiman, Sary-Zhomart-Naiman (naimans); as well as representatives of the Uaks (without volost, i.e. generic, designation).

In 1877, there were 1,252 souls of both sexes in the Chernoanuisk ward. In 1881, the number of inhabitants of the villages of the Chernoanui camp was 1,937 people, of which 1,389 were Kazakhs and Altaians, the rest were Russians. Within the framework of the Orthodox tradition, an active process of cultural exchange took place in the border area. Orthodoxy and a standard oriented towards a comprehensive peasant economy, while preserving the language and identity, became a fact of existence of Kazakhs who lived along the Cherga and Anuy Rivers.

The Chernoanui Kazakhs were not much engaged in agriculture; they were in the hands of the Uymonsky tract, which ran from Biysk through the village of Cherny Anui in the direction of the villages of Ust-Kan and Tenga.

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In the late XIX - early XX centuries, Black Anui was famous as one of the kumys resorts of Altai. "There are now 130 courtyards in the village," the historical and statistical collection for the Altai for 1890 indicated, " 20 of them are Russian; there is a church and a school. The inhabitants of the newly baptized Kirghiz (Kazakhs-I. O.) are not much engaged in grain farming, their main occupation is cattle breeding; the Russians are ploughmen... Here kumysniki can rent a separate house cheap, for 1 - 3 rubles a month (Kyrgyz houses are empty in the summer), buy from 1 rub. to 1 rub. 50 kopecks. for a bucket of kumiss (or 10 kopecks. bottle), milk (3 kopecks. pot), eggs 1 rub. for a hundred rubles, butter up to 50 kopecks in exchange, bread and sheep (from 2 to 2 rubles. 50 kopecks per piece).<...> The best cook of kumiss is Kyrgyz (Kazakh-Acting) Mashik (Istomin Mashik Ivanovich-Acting), who makes kumiss of various strengths and tastes."

Among the inhabitants of Black Anui and the surrounding area, there were quite a few wealthy people. The Kazakh families of Akatievs, Yemelyanovs, Istomins, Sokolovs, Kuskovs, Ivanovs, Tugambayevs belonged to the number of strong housewives. So, in 1917. Istomin Ivan Klementievich (78 years old), having a family of 10 people, owned a herd of 210 horses, a herd of 92 cows, a flock of sheep and goats of 40 heads; a manor of 2 dessiatines, arable land of 21 dessiatines, mowing of 75 dessiatines; had two plows, ten iron harrows, a mower, a winnower, a horse-drawn rake, two iron carts and five wooden ones.

Remote cattle breeding with a predominance of horse breeding and the production of kumys, which was practiced by the Kazakhs, was the basis for self-preservation and economic well-being of the ethnic group. The principle of interaction of Kazakh, Altaic and Russian cultures on the basis of confessional unity was a condition for the stability of the local community. The efforts of the Altai Ecclesiastical Mission aimed at forming a single socio-cultural standard provided opportunities for interaction within the multiethnic community. It is known, for example,that already in the 1880s there was one of the best choirs of the Orthodox Altai, which enjoyed special support from the mission. As a result of mastering the traditions of Russian church singing, the Kazakhs of the Black Anui formed a unique practice of lyrical polyphony. Lingering Kazakh songs are still heard in the village.

Active cross-cultural interaction, which was controlled by the Orthodox Church, suggested a tendency to assimilation according to the scheme of Russification. But in the Chernoanui department, where each ethnic group retained its linguistic identity and its own cultural and economic niche, a multicultural model was formed, characterized by a high permeability of features in the household and ritual spheres and tolerance towards other traditions.

The situation changed at the end of the XIX century with the beginning of the migration movement to the Altai. Since the 1870s, immigrants from Tomsk, Tobolsk, Perm, Penza, Tambov, Voronezh, Vyatka, Ryazan, Samara, Oryol, Kovno and other provinces appeared in the Cherga Valley. Being the actual owner of the land, the Cabinet in the post-reform period made the main bet on receiving income from land rents and organizing a rental economy. However, since the beginning of active migration, the low-income and insolvent population often arrived in the Altai; in addition, the opportunities of the steppe and foothill Altai to receive new settlers were soon exhausted.

The 1899 "Regulations on the land arrangement of peasants and foreigners who settled in the Altai District on the lands of the Cabinet of E. I. V." legalized new principles of land redistribution based on a per capita allotment (15 dessiatines). Extensive land management works began in 1901. In 1906, a rural gathering of the Chernoanui missionary village ("foreigners" of the 4th Altai territory) was held. a decision was made to "count them as settled" with the formation of a non-native council for them. Grand Duke Alexey with allotment of land separately from the Russian peasants. The document, drawn up on behalf of 240 souls of the male population in the presence of the village headman Ivan Istomin and candidate Vasily Kholuyev, was confirmed by their surnames of about 150 housewives: Ugryumovs, Istomins, Yemelyanovs, Sokolovs, Romanovskys, Volkovs, Smirnovs, Kuskovs, Akatievs, Evtifeyevs, Zadontsevs, Kholuyevs, etc. - those who once left the village. the Kazakh steppe and, winning the right to a new homeland, adopted Orthodoxy.

Intensive migration to the Altai Region has destabilized the situation. The conflict in the village of Cherny Anuy developed, sometimes taking harsh forms. Its cause was rooted in land redistribution and the rejection of the "Kyrgyz" (Kazakh) church, where services were conducted in the Kazakh language. Ethno-cultural contradictions and growing competition for land ownership have become factors in the growth of ethnic identity. The separation of "one's own" and" another's " for Kazakhs was connected with the search for identity. The manifesto on Freedom of Conscience of 1905 became an occasion for a return to Islam , a faith that plays a differentiating role for a marginal multicultural community. The situation developed in 1905-1910. to allocate the Kazakh village of Turat.

The further fate of the group of Chernoanui/Turatinsky Kazakhs who shared the fate of the country, turned out to be the same.-

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it was tragic. Years of civil war and collectivization led to social confrontation and undermined the traditional economy. The subsequent political repressions of the 1930s destroyed the national elite-the leaders of the Kazakh renaissance of the early 20th century. Dozens of people were persecuted on charges of involvement in a "counter-revolutionary nationalist organization" in Altai; they were charged with the collapse of the Soviet system and communist ideology, Japanese and British espionage, cooperation with the Kazakh counter-revolutionary organization "Alash-Orda", propaganda of the ideas of the Oyrot great power and religious agitation.

In Cherny Anuy and Turat, approx. 70 men. Sadu Kuskov, the first chairman of the national Kazakh collective farm, was also among the repressed; he was sentenced to capital punishment, but, like many others, was rehabilitated in the 1950s due to the lack of evidence of a crime. During the Great Patriotic War, more than 100 people went to the front; only a few returned. Sad songs were sung over Turata and Black Anui:



Over the top of Turata pass I-ou!
I'll trample her grass.
Ow, my sons are gone untimely-ow!
Crying, I will sing.
Like a meadowsweet bud-oh!
Like the voice of a gray goose.
It's a pity, my life is lost in grief-oh!
Now why should I leave?!


(Folklore of the Turatinsky Kazakhs. Translated by E. V. Nikolina)

Social upheavals have made the old interethnic contradictions irrelevant. Having lost a significant part of the inhabitants-Russians, Altaians, Kazakhs - during the Great Patriotic War, the villages of Cherny Anuy and Turata became famous as the birthplace of heroes. Four Heroes of the Soviet Union came out of these places: Eleusov Dzhanibek Akatovich, Tugambayev Kydran Alexandrovich, Ufimtsev Sergey Kirillovich and Shuklin Ilya Zakharovich.

Although in the 1920s and 1940s the Kazakh community of the Northwestern Altai was seriously damaged (the group's endogamy was undermined, demographic structures were transformed, mestizoism increased, etc.), the main core of the Black Anu/Turata Kazakhs continued to preserve their customs, language, name, and identity. Their descendants still live in Turat and the Black Anui of the Ust-Kansky district of the Altai Republic. Of the 1,130 people now living in the Chernoanui village Council (Turata - 265 people, Karakol - 155, Cherny Anui - 710 people), about 40% are Kazakhs, 40% are Russians, 20% are Altaians; although families and traditions have long been mixed in the villages.

The modern world dictates its own laws. The architecture is changing. Dilapidated merchant mansions on the streets of Black Anui. There is no more Holy Trinity Church. Small huts are living out their days in Turat, which were built according to the tradition laid down by the Altai mission at the end of the XIX century. In them, small iron "burzhuyki" coexisted with huge adobe stoves and, according to Kazakh custom, there was always hot tea on the stove.

The traditional everyday culture of nomads is becoming a thing of the past. But there are still traditional forms of farming, the basis of which was remote pasture cattle breeding with a predominance of horse breeding. Clothing and utensils are changed, but things that have the character of cultural symbols for Kazakhs are preserved. There are still craftsmen in Turat who continue to sew mosaic carpets and wool quilts; they still keep old swells and old whips in their homes. As before, Kazakhs observe many normative prescriptions; they strictly perform rituals that mark the birth of a person and his departure from life - rites of laying in the cradle and funeral and memorial ceremonies that connect people into a single whole.

Although at the beginning of the XXI century only middle-aged and older people are fluent in their native Kazakh language (Turat dialect), and young people under 30 have only basic conversational skills, they still read suras of the Koran in Black Anu and Turat, and Kazakh songs are still played at weddings and holidays.

The hope for the future becomes for the Chernoanui / Turatinsky Kazakhs their faith. Local religious practices are characterized by the phenomenon of syncretism - a complex interweaving of elements of folk beliefs, Islam and Orthodoxy. In recent years, attempts have been made to revive Islam. At the same time, a new Orthodox church is being built in Cherny Anuy. Religious tolerance is one of the conditions for the existence of a multi-ethnic local community, which includes the descendants of those who once left the Kazakh steppe in search of a better life.

Today, the Kazakhs of the Northwestern Altai are included in the system of contacts with the Kazakh communities of Altai, Mongolia and Kazakhstan. The expansion of ties leads to the growth of ethnic identity. In July 2001, the Small Kurultai of the Kazakhs of Russia was held in the Kosh-Agach district of the Altai Republic, bringing together guests from the Altai Territory, Moscow, Mongolia, China, as well as representatives of Kazakhstan, members of the World Association of Kazakhs. This congress marked the diasporal dominant in the self-determination of the Kazakhs of Altai, which was the result of a long process of ethnic development of the local community.

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The current existence of the Chernoanui / Turata Kazakhs does not qualify for a pessimistic outlook. The Republic of Altai, which in 1991 proclaimed sovereignty within the territorial borders of the Gorno-Altaisk Autonomous Region, declared "national statehood", which expressed the interests and will of the peoples living in this territory to self-determination, socio-economic progress, cultural and spiritual revival. Within the framework of the Altai statehood, Kazakhs, who have a linguistic and cultural identity and a single identity, like all the peoples of the republic, received confirmation of cultural and linguistic sovereignty.

Acknowledgements

The Directorate of the Institute of Archeology and Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the management of the Denisova Cave research hospital, and all participants of the photo project express their gratitude to the administration of the Ust-Kansky district of the Altai Republic, the Chernoanui rural administration, the teaching staff of schools in the villages of Cherny Anui and Turata, and the residents of Cherny Anui, Turata, and Karakol for their support and fruitful cooperation.

Institute of Archeology and Ethnography SB RAS

17 Akademika Lavrentieva Ave., Novosibirsk, 630090, Russia

SIEM405@yandex.ru

* * *

Photo report prepared by A. Kuznetsov (Krasnoyarsk) and V. Klamm (Novosibirsk).

Alexander Kuznetsov was born in 1957. Novoselovsky district of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Graduated from Krasnoyarsk State Technical University. Master of Sports in mountaineering, two-time national champion. Member of the Everest expeditions in 1995, 1996, and 1998. Since 1991, he has worked as a photojournalist for the oldest regional newspaper Krasnoyarsk Worker (published since 1905). His solo exhibitions have been held in Moscow, St. Petersburg (1981-2002), Scotland (1989), India (1990), New Zealand (1991), Australia, USA, France (1992), Germany (1993, 1999). Winner of the contest "Horizons of Krasnoyarsk Region" (2001, 2002, 2003). In 2002-2005 he participated in international expedition and exhibition photo projects: "People at the Borders", "Towards Nansen", " Gates of Asia. Irtysh Black and White", "M52. Chuysky Tract", " North-Western Altai: the four seasons." One of the authors of the photo album "Novosibirsk Region", awarded the prize of the Governor of the Novosibirsk region in 2005. He is the winner of the gold medal for winning the Third International photo Show "Siberia-2004".

Valery Klamm was born in 1961 in Novosibirsk. Graduated from the Novosibirsk Civil Engineering Institute. Currently, he is the President of the Kondratyuk Foundation and the Phototext Foundation (Novosibirsk). In 2002-2004, he was the head and participant of the following photo projects: "People on the Border", " Yenisei: river of history-history of the river", "M52. Chui tract", " Gate of Asia. Irtysh Black and White". The author's photo works were presented at the exhibitions " M52. Chuysky tract "(Moscow, Biysk) and " Gate of Asia. Irtysh Black and White" (Moscow, Ust-Kamenogorsk, Semipalatinsk, Pavlodar, Omsk).

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1. A. Kuznetsov. The village of Cherny Anuy. Sunday morning.

More than a century and a half has passed since the village of Cherny Anuy appeared on the old Uymonsky tract. The first settlers in the Chergi valley were baptized Kazakhs, Teleuts, Altaians, and Cossacks. Black Anuy was once famous for the Holy Trinity Church and kumiss farms; it was famous for its coachmen, merchants, and horse breeders. Time passed. The village was changing.

At the end of the XX century, satellite dishes appeared on huts, and computers appeared in schools. Culture and mores have changed, but the same values have remained. Today, as in the past, prosperity is still measured by the number of flocks and horse herds. And the furnace haze still curls over the winter Black Anuy, giving rise to a sense of home warmth and peace.

2. A. Kuznetsov. Rural street in the village of Cherny Anuy.

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3. A. Kuznetsov. Wedding of Tatiana and Azamat Dyusembaev in the club of Cherny Anuy village.

On a frosty February day in 2005, in the village of Cherny Anuy in the Ust-Kansky district of the Altai Republic, the Kazakh families of Akatievs and Dyusembayevs were getting married. Several hundred people gathered for the official registration at the club - Kazakhs, Russians, Altaians - residents of the village, whose life, fate, past and future are intertwined in a single whole, as tree roots or stitches of patterned felt carpets are intertwined, creating the basis of being.

4. A. Kuznetsov. Wedding of Tatiana and Azamat Dyusembaev. Festive feast.

The wedding loaf is presented to the oldest women of the family-the bride's grandmother Koshtok-apa and the groom's grandmother Charbike-apa.

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5. V. Klamm. Wedding of Tatiana and Azamat Dyusembaev. Start of the ceremony.

Izolda and Gaidar met while studying at the Gorno-Altaisk Pedagogical Institute. Gaidar was a native of the Jazator/kosh-Agach Kazakhs. Isolde on her father's side belonged to the Istomin family , formerly one of the richest Kazakh families of the Black Anui. Their son Azamat Dyusembayev chose to marry a fellow villager - Tanya from the large Akatyev family.

Two branches of Altai Kazakhs - Kosh-Agach and Chernoanui relatives-met at the wedding. Starting the celebration, the dombrist of the Kosh-Agach guests performed the traditional "Bet Ashar" and lifted the edge of the veil with the end of the neck, revealing the bride's face to the new relatives and the whole world.

6. V. Klamm. Preparing for the wedding of Tatiana and Azamat Dyusembayev. Performer of "Bet Angara".

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7. A. Kuznetsov. In the house of Sergey and Tamara Akatyev. Grandmother of the bride Koshtok-apa is preparing for redemption.

Grandparents and grandchildren have a special relationship. For the time being, they share common concerns and speak the same language. Then they remember about grandmothers on the days of celebrations: they are given the most honorable places at the wedding table, they try to replace the bride with a grandmother. From childhood to old age, a long life passes. And everything repeats itself again and again. Children get married, grandmothers raise grandchildren.

8. A. Kuznetsov. In the house of Tatyana Kuatbekovna Eleusova, a history teacher at the secondary school named after Hero of the Soviet Union K. A. Tugambayev in the village of Cherny Anuy.

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9. V. Klamm. Arken-aha. Arken Yefimovich Smirnov (born in 1929) is the oldest mullah of the village of Turat.

"According to the Kazakh custom, if a child is put in a zybka, the ram should be slaughtered like a human, so that all the bones at the joints are disassembled. Only the whole neck is boiled; those gathered must gnaw it clean, so that the neck and the life of the child are strong; for this purpose, a stick is inserted into the vertebrae and hidden in a safe place... " - this is how the story begins in the Black Anu about the old custom of putting the baby in the cradle. He is still honored in Kazakh families. They still keep old swells in their homes, in which more than one generation of kids grew up. Ripples grow old, and children grow up, inheriting the traditions of their grandfathers.

10. V. Klamm. In the house of Alena and Evgeny Minakov. In Zybka, Dima Minakov is a small full-fledged citizen of the village of Cherny Anuy.

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11. V. Klamm. In the house of Maria Nikolaevna Taksanova-teachers with 40 years of experience, in the recent past, the director of the Turatinsky elementary school.

Maria Nikolaevna Taksanova is an excellent student of public education, worked as a teacher for more than 40 years, and for many years was the director of the Turatinsky primary School, where the Kazakh language was always taught and still is taught today. School reforms took place one after another, programs and ideological concepts changed; but with all the changes, the local teachers, like all the older people, tried to preserve the native language and customs of their native people. Until recently, only a few old people in Turat and Black Anui read the surahs of the Koran, now many young people know them; and during ritual feasts, everyone who hears the sacred words opens their palms: both young and old; Kazakhs, Russians, and Altaians. That's the custom.

12. V. Klamm. Feast in the house of Arken Yefimovich Smirnov. Blessing-baga.

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13. A. Kuznetsov. On the maralnik in the village of Karakol.

Winter comes to the camps and farms in the vicinity of Turata, Black Anui and Karakol, united in one rural administration, with the usual concerns: how to feed the cattle, how to protect them from death and wolves, how to preserve the offspring. And for the family of Oleg Zadontsev, there is another problem - how to cope with the shrew Lyusya. Oleg bought a small donkey Lyusya for his five-year-old son Kudaibergen. The boy is already 10 years old. Lucy also grew up, became the owner of the parking lot and now drives horses.

14. A. Kuznetsov. At the winter parking lot of Oleg Zadontsev.

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15. A. Kuznetsov. Preparation for the feast in the house of Dalabai Akatiev.

Irina and Dalabai Akatyev, having a well-equipped house in Cherny Anuy, spend most of their time in a parking lot next to the pastures where the cattle of the Anuy association are grazing. This is their job. On weekends and on holidays, children come to them. In the space of a "nomadic" house, a crackling wood stove, a TV set broadcasting on 23 channels thanks to a satellite dish, a calendar of Orthodox holidays and a Kazakh whip that protects the family from evil forces and evil eyes can easily get along. Signs of hospitality at home are tea with milk steaming in bowls, and Kaza's honorary treat-horse peritoneum sausage laid out on a dish with good wishes.

16. A. Kuznetsov. Irina, Dalabay and Marina Akatyev in the house in the winter parking lot.

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I. V. OKTYABRSKAYA, WINTER. HISTORY OF THE TURATINSKY KAZAKHS // Душанбе: Цифровая библиотека Таджикистана (LIBRARY.TJ). Дата обновления: 02.12.2024. URL: https://library.tj/m/articles/view/WINTER-HISTORY-OF-THE-TURATINSKY-KAZAKHS (дата обращения: 04.12.2024).

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Abdukarim Turaev
Душанбе, Таджикистан
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02.12.2024 (2 дней(я) назад)
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