The movement of Muslim reformism appeared in Dagestan in the early twentieth century. The reformers aimed to develop Islamic thought and law in line with the new realities. There were three forms of this movement. The first group of scholars proposed reforming only the Islamic educational system, while supporting the tradition of the Shafi'i legal school. The second group of reformers went further and advocated expanding the framework of the Shafi'i legal school as well as the reform of education. The third group of reformers proposed reform of the system of Islamic education, criticized the legal schools, and called for independent judgments on the matter of Islamic law beyond the framework of the legal schools. Sufism also was the object of harsh criticism by the reformists of the second and third group. For this reason, the imperial and later the Soviet authorities supported the reform movement in Dagestan. Reformers, with their rational approach to Islam and to education, emerged as one of the Bolsheviks' major partners and were incorporated into the Soviet educational system. This ended in the 1930s during the Red Terror when many prominent reformers were executed or sent into exile. Still, the reformers' ideas survived. Their critique of Sufism and Islamic legal schools was later taken up by the Salafi groups in Dagestan in the post-Soviet period.
Keywords: Muslim reformism, Dagestan, Egypt, Jadidism, Muslim law, Sufism, Islamic education.
The article was written in the framework of the RGNF project No. 15-01-00389. The author expresses his sincere gratitude to I. V. Starodubrovskaya for her help in writing this article.
Sh. Shikhaliev Moslem reformism in Dagestan (1900-1930) / / Gosudarstvo, religiya, tserkva v Rossii i za rubezhom [State, Religion, Church in Russia and abroad]. 2017. N 3. pp. 134-169.
Shikhaliev, Shamil (2017) "Muslim Reformism in Dagestan (1900-1930)", Gosudarstuo, religiia, tserkou' v Rossii i za rubezhom 35(3): 134-169.
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The ERA of great geographical discoveries led to the expansion of the economic and political dominance of European countries in different continents of the world. By the end of the eighteenth century, the balance of power had gradually shifted toward Europe. Since this period, most of the Muslim world has been economically or politically subservient to the European empires.
The reaction of Muslims to the dominance of European institutions of power in Muslim society was expressed in various forms, one of which was armed resistance to colonial expansion.
Another type of reaction to European domination was intellectual.
Some of the Muslim elites understood that the Muslim Ummah was not capable of resisting European society either militarily or intellectually. She saw the reason for this in the stagnation of Islam, which was caused, among other things, by the outdated education system, the lag of the Muslim world behind the Western countries in natural sciences, and the disunity of Muslims. A number of Muslim intellectuals consistently developed the ideas of reforms, which included contact and interaction with European countries in order to borrow a number of achievements of European society in the field of education, science and politics, which would allow Muslims to make progress in the development of Islamic civilization proper1.
1. Many works have been written about Muslim reformism in the Middle East in the 19th and early 20th centuries. For more information on reforms in the Arab world, see Esposito, J. L. (1998) Islam. The Straight Path. Third edition, pp. 126-127, 142-145. New York: Oxford University Press; Fazlur, R. (1970) "Islamic Modernism: its Scope, Methods and Alternative", in International Journal of Middle East Studies 1(4): 317-333; Hourani, A. (1983) Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age: 1798-1939. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Kedourie, E. (1981) Islam in the Modern Word and Other Studies. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston; Nasr Abu Zayd. (2006) Reformation of Islamic Thought. A Critical Historical Analysis, p. 27. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press; Hartman, R. (1928) Die Krisis des Islam. Leipzig: Hinrichs; Abdelhamid Muhammad Ahmad. (1963) Die Auseinandersetzung zwischen Al-Azhar und der Modernistischen Bewegung in Agypten von Muhammad Abduh bis zur Gegenwart. Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwurde der Philosophischen Fakultat der Universitat Hamburg. Hamburg; Charles, K. (ed.) (2002). Modernist Islam, 1840-1940. A Sourcebook. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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The ideas of reformism developed in parallel in different regions of the Muslim world-in Tunisia, Egypt, the Ottoman Empire, and India. They were reflected through the prism of local cultural and political life and integrated into local communities, taking into account their specifics.
Inter-regional contacts of Muslims played an important role in the development of the ideas of Muslim reformism. So, in the case of Dagestan, we see the influence of various ideas that are widely spread on the territory of the Russian Empire: in the Crimea, in the Volga-Ural region. At the same time, the formation of the reformist discourse was significantly influenced by the ideas of the Egyptian reformers Jamaluddin al-Afgani (1839-1897), Muhammad Abdo (1849-1905) and Muhammad Rashid Reed (1865-1935), whose works were popular in Dagestan and were often quoted in manuscripts. Unlike the Azerbaijani reformers, who mostly focused on Turkey, Dagestan had closer contacts with the above-mentioned Egyptian reformers. This is probably due both to Dagestan's historical ties with the Arab world and to the dominance of the Arabic-language written tradition in Dagestan, which remained popular until the early Soviet period.
Muslim Reformism in the Russian Empire: Some issues of terminology, approaches to study and interpretation
Researchers associate the term "Jadidism "with the term" al-usul al-Jadid "("new method"), the founder of which is considered to be the Crimean scientist and educator Ismail Gasprinsky (1851-1914). He developed a new method of teaching Arabic and Turkic languages, which focused on the phonetic system of learning words, as opposed to the root system that was common in the traditional system of Muslim education.
Subsequently, the term "Jadidism" included a broader understanding of the reform of the Muslim education system. It meant the inclusion of natural disciplines in the curriculum of Muslim madrasas. In the future, this term began to be understood as an even more global movement of "Muslim enlightenment", aimed at reforming not only the education system, but also the entire Muslim society.-
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mulling development of the Turkic national identity and political activity of Muslims in Russia 2.
It should be noted that the very term "jadid "("new") or" taj'id "("renewal") has a completely different meaning in the interpretation of researchers of Muslim reformism and in the understanding of Muslim theologians themselves. The former interpret the term "taj'id" as "new", "something that did not exist before" in the context of building a fundamentally new Muslim society.
Meanwhile, Arabic explanatory dictionaries, as well as Muslim reformers themselves, put a slightly different meaning in this concept. In explanatory dictionaries, the lexical meaning of the term "taj'id" or its synonym "Islah", which is more often used in the Arab world, means the return of the old to its original form3.
In the context of the ideas of the Muslim reformers themselves, this term means a return to the period of the Prophet Muhammad and the first three centuries of Islam, eliminating all the later innovations that were introduced to Islam over time.
The ideas of the Egyptian and Dagestani reformers did not lie in the plane of building a fundamentally new society, but were based on a return to the golden period of Islam, when the Muslim civilization was rapidly developing in matters of science and education and was ahead of the rest of the world.4
Thus, the concept of "taj'id" or "Islah", incorrectly translated by some researchers as "modernization", as a certain type of renewal, was in the sense of ontologically opposite to the "invention of innovations", which reformers and Salafists fought against. 5
2. Abdullin Ya. G. Tatarskaya prosveshchanskaya mysl [Tatar educational thought]. Казань, 1976; Edward, L. (1975) "Gadidism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century: A View from Within", Cahiers du Monde Russe et sovietique 16: 245-277; Ahmed, K. (1997) Reform within Islam: The Tajdid and Jadid Movements among the Kazan Tatars. Istanbul: Eren Yayincilik; Christian, N. (2000) Muslimischer Nationalismus im Russischen Reich: Nationsbildung und Nationalbewegung bei Tataren und Baschkiren, 1861-1917. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
3. Butrus al-Bustani (1867) Muhit al-Muhit. Beirut, vol. 1, p. 219; Ibn Manzur (1955) Lisan al-Arab al-muhit. Mustalahat al - ' ilmiyya wa-l-fanniyya. Beirut, vol. 1, p. 414; Muhammad Murtada al-Zabidi (1966) Taj al-Arus. Beirut, vol. 3, p. 313.
4. Ingeborg, B. (2001) "Jadidism in Central Asia within Reformism and Modernism in the Muslim World", Die Welt des Islams 41(1): 72-88.
5. Alekseev I. L. Collecting the Split Ummah: Fundamentalism as a reinterpretation of Islamic History / / Ab Imperio. 2004. N 3. P. 503.
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If we turn to the Muslim Arabic-language literature of Egypt and Dagestan, a curious picture is revealed here. In the Egyptian magazine "al-Manar", in the vast majority of cases, the term " reformism "is rendered by the term"al-Islah". Accordingly, the reformers themselves are referred to in the Muslim press by the term "Muslim", which is a substantive noun from the participle of the real voice "reforming". Less frequently in the articles of this magazine, as in other Middle Eastern Muslim literature, the term "taj'id" is also found, denoting the action of "renewing". Moreover, in the rhetoric of reformers, this term also means not the creation of something new, but the "reanimation", "restoration" or "renewal" of all the best that was in Islam.
In Dagestani Arabic-language writings, both of these terms occur in exactly the same context in which the Egyptian reformers used it. In addition, in the polemical works of Dagestani reformers, the special term "Jadid" or "Hizb al-Jadid" is used - "party/group of Jadids". At the same time, this term in the Dagestani Arabic-speaking tradition refers exclusively to those who spoke out with the ideas of absolute ijtihad.6 The Dagestani written tradition does not call the supporters of the reform of Islamic education Jadids. Interesting in this respect is the Arabic-language work of the Dagestani theologian Abd al-Hafiz Omarov (1912-2000), who makes a clear distinction between "Wahhabis" and "Jadids". Moreover, he, as well as other Dagestani authors, calls Jadids exclusively adherents of absolute ijtihad. All other reformers who advocated educational reform but remained followers of the Shafi'i legal tradition are not mentioned in his manuscript and, unlike the "Wahhabis" and "Jadids", remain outside his criticism.7
A number of characteristics of the Jadids of the Volga-Ural region, such as the idea of a common Turkic Muslim nation, the dominance of the Turkic language in the learning process, and the integration of the Jadids in im-
6. Nazir ad-Durgili. Al-Ijtihad wa al-taqlid, (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: FMS, op. 1, N 35) l. 52; ' Abd al-Hafiz al-Ukhli. Al-Jawab al-sahih li-l-ah al-Muslim, 1949 (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: author's private archive), p. 46.
7. Shikhaliev Sh. Sh. "Al-Jawab as-sahih li-l-ah al-muslimh" by 'Abd al-Hafiz Okhlinsky / / Dagestan and the Muslim East. Collection of articles /comp. A. K. Alikberov, V. O. Bobrovnikov, Moscow: "Marjani", 2010, pp. 339-340.
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Russian institutions, their political or social activity, were not at all typical of Dagestan. Here we see what can be called "Islamic discourse", which was different from the Jadid discourse of the Volga region, which had its own system of assessments, symbols and arguments8. In contrast to the reformist discourse of Dagestani scholars at the beginning of the 20th century, which was expressed in Islamic forms, the Jadid discourse of Muslims of the Volga region was expressed most often in European forms. As a result, the religious and cultural identity of Muslims in the Volga-Ural region began to be replaced by a new, national identity defined by national and linguistic characteristics.9
Beginning in the 1930s, Soviet scholars began to view Jadidism through the prism of the Marxist theory of the development of socio-economic formations. Soviet researchers analyzed Jadidism within the framework of the dichotomy of "progressive" Jadid Islam, which expressed the interests of the developing bourgeoisie, which aspired to the ideas of Europe, and "Asian Muslim feudalism", represented by their opponents, representatives of the old Hanafi or Shafi'i theological elite, who were called "Kadimites".
In the post-war years, interest in this issue somewhat waned, as Islam was perceived by Soviet historians and social scientists as a "feudal-clerical element" alien to communist ideas, and most social scientists wrote about Islam from the position of its criticism.10 During the Khrushchev thaw, Soviet literature began to rethink the history of Jadidism. In the socialist context of historical research, scholars have tried to redefine the essence of "Jadidism" through the interpretation of Islam as a specific Tatar national cultural heritage, called "Mirasism". Within the framework of this approach, Tatar scientists showed a growing interest in
8. On the concept of Islamic discourse, see Reinhard, Sch. (1994) Geschichte der Islamischen Welt im 20 Jahrhundert, ss. 21-22.Munchen: C. H. Beck Verlag; on Islamic discourse among Muslims of the Volga region and the Urals, see Kemper, M. (1998) Sufis und Gelehrte in Tatarien und Baschkirien. Der islamische Diskurs unter russischer Herrschaft. Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag.
9. Kemper M. Scientists and Sufis in Tatarstan and Bashkortostan. Islamic Discourse under Russian domination. Kazan, 2008, pp. 28-29.
10. On the" class " character of Islam in Soviet historiography, see: Kemper, M. (2009)" The Soviet Discourse on the Origin and Class Character of Islam, 1923-1933", Die Welt des Islams 49(1): 1-48.
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interest in pre-revolutionary Tatar literature, including Oriental manuscripts and archival sources. At the same time, these sources were considered by Soviet scientists in a secularized form, and their religious context was ignored.11 As a result of this approach, classical Muslim scholars and theologians of the XVIII-XIX centuries began to be perceived almost as harbingers of socialist transformations, fighting against "medieval obscurantism". This was typical for studies of Islam both in the Volga region and in Dagestan. This approach completely ignored the Muslim context of discussions about Islam among Tatar and Dagestani scholars of theology, and Jadidism and the ideas of reform of the system of Muslim law and dogma that preceded it were perceived as a progressive movement with an exclusively secular character.
Another consequence of this approach was the close attention of researchers to the issues of Jadidism, and as a result, almost complete disregard for the works of those who were classified as "Kadimites"by Soviet historiography. Such a conditional division into "Jadids"and " Kadimites", close attention to the study of the former as a "progressive movement" and insufficient attention to the latter as a "period of stagnation", continues to be popular in modern literature. 12
Thus, from the 1930s to the 1980s, Jadidism was considered by various researchers as a bourgeois-liberal, bourgeois-nationalist, counter-revolutionary, pan-Islamic, pan-Turkist, and finally enlightenment movement. At the same time, the Muslim context of discussions between the Jadids and their opponents is largely ignored in Soviet historiography. Instead, Soviet scholars tried to show the activities of the Jadids not so much within the Islamic tradition, but in the context of the Tatar national cultural heritage. Often such works of Soviet researchers are not taken into account-
11. Более подробно см.: Kemper, M., Bustanov, A. (2012) "From Mirasism to Euro-Islam: The Translation of Islamic Legal Debates into Tatar Secular Cultural Heritage", in A.K. Bustanov, M. Kemper (eds), Islamic Authority and the Russian Language: Studies on Texts from European Russia, the North Caucasus and West Siberia. Vol. 19, pp. 29-53. Amsterdam: Pegasus.
12. О критике данного подхода см.: DeWeese, D. (2016) "It Was a Dark and Stagnant Night ('til the Jadids Brought the Light): Cliches, Biases, and False Dichotomies in the Intellectual History of Central Asia", Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 59(1-2): 37-92.
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There are internal Muslim sources that reflect the Islamic discourse among reformers and their opponents.
Typology of Muslim reformism in Dagestan
In the context of the development of Muslim reformism in Dagestan, we can talk about a certain influence on Dagestani reformers of the ideas of Jadidism from the Crimea and the Volga-Ural region. But at the same time, we can observe a more significant influence on Dagestani intellectuals of the Arab model of reformism. In the general discourse on the development of Muslim society, Dagestani reformers were divided into several groups.
The first group called for reforms in the field of Muslim education, while remaining strict followers of the Shafi'i legal tradition (Taqlid). The main conditions for the development of society, they considered the need for a broad development of science and education according to the European (in this case, Russian) model. These approaches were overwhelmingly adopted by Dagestani intellectuals among the Tatars of the Crimea and the Volga-Ural region. They almost verbatim repeat the ideas that were put forward earlier by Tatar scientists. Fayizkhanov and I. Gasprinsky 13. One of the most prominent representatives of this group of reformers was the Dagestani scholar and Sufi sheikh Sayfulla-qadi Bashlarov (1853-1919). Having traveled extensively in Russia and the Middle East, he received both religious and European education; in addition to Arabic, Turkic and a number of other Eastern languages, he mastered Russian, German and Latin quite well. The latter was a consequence of his training with German doctors invited by the Volga colonists.14 In 1907, he studied with a major Sufi sheikh of the Volga-Ural region, Zaynulla Rasulev (1833-1917), one of the proponents of the new method of teaching - and for some time
13. Fayizkhanov Kh. Reform of madrasahs (Islah madaris). Saint Petersburg, 1862 / per. by I. F. Gimadeev // Education reform: Tatars of Nizhny Novgorod region and the Muslim world of Russia: collection of works and articles on Islamic education / comp. and ed. by D. V. Mukhetdinov. N. Novgorod: Medina, 2008. pp. 5-19; Gasprinsky I. Muslim sciences / / "Terjiman" (in the Tatar language). 1885. N 11.
14. Shikhaliev Sh. Sh. Saypula-kadi / / Islam on the territory of the former Russian Empire. Encyclopedic dictionary / ed. by S. M. Prozorov. Moscow, 2003, pp. 72-73.
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For a long time he taught at the novometodnaya school in Ufa. At the same time, in matters of theology, he remained a supporter of traditional legal schools and denied the possibility of reform in the field of theology and Muslim practice.15
At the same time, the followers of this group of reformers borrowed from the Tatars of the Crimea and the Volga region only the ideas of reforming the education system and the "sound" method of teaching I. Gasprinsky. In political matters, they did not see themselves in the legal space of Russia. This led to the complete disregard of Russian institutions of power by Dagestani reformers. Unlike the Tatar Jadids of the Volga region, who were widely represented in the Muslim faction of the State Duma of Russia, the Dagestani reformers were completely apolitical.
The second group of scholars, also supporting the reform of the Muslim education system, called for expanding the boundaries of solving certain issues of the theological and legal complex within the Shafi'i legal tradition, applying the system of principles, arguments and methods of the Shafi'i legal system ("al-ijtihad fi-l-madhhab"). They did not advocate a complete revision or rejection of the Shafi'i legal tradition, but called for using the methodology and principles of the Shafi'i system to "reform" or "purify" some later interpretations of certain private opinions of jurists, if they contradict the main Muslim sources - the Koran and Sunnah.16
Among the followers of this group, the most active figure was the Dagestani scholar-theologian and poet, one of the founders of the first Islamic printing house in Dagestan, Abusufyan Akayev (al-Ghazanishi, 1872-1931). Interested in the ideas of reform of the Muslim education system in the Russian Empire and studying
15. Sayfullah al-Nitzubkri. Kanz al-ma'arif wa asrar al-lata'if (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: private collection of S. M. Nurmagomedov, Akhalchi village, Khunzakh district, Dagestan) , 364 ll.; Sh. Sh. Sh. Sh., Zakirov A.D. Spiritual relations of Sufi sheikhs Zaynulla Rasulev and Sayfulla-qadi Bashlarov / / Problems of Oriental Studies Ufa, 2016, No. 3 (73), pp. 35-40.
16. Nazir ad-Durgili. Al-Ijtihad wa-t-taqlid (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: Oriental Manuscripts Fund of the Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Dagestan Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences (hereinafter: FMS, Op. 1. N 35, ll. 2-32; Nazir ad-Durgili. Ta'lik al-hamid 'ala-l-qawl al-Sadid (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: FBI IAE DNC RAS, FMS, Op. 1. N 35 ll. 69-108; Abu Sufyan B. Akay al-Ghazanishi. Mas'ala al-ijtihad (in Arabic) / / Bayan al-haqaiq. Buinaksk. 1926. N 3. P. 2-5.
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articles and notes of the founder of the Russian new-method system of education in madrassas Ismail Gasprinsky, Abusufyan Akayev in 1898-99 visited Bakhchisarai, Orenburg and Kazan. There he gets acquainted with the principles and methods of teaching in new-fashioned madrasas, which began to develop widely among Muslims of the Volga region. Returning to Dagestan, in his native village Abusufyan Akaev was the first in the Caucasus in 1902 to open a new-method school with a fundamentally new system of education. In the same year, he visited the city of Bakhchisarai in Crimea, where he studied publishing, and from 1904 until the early Soviet period published dozens of books and textbooks for madrasas in Arabic and in his native Kumyk languages in a printing house in Temir Khan Shur in Dagestan. In 1905, Abusufyan Akayev went to Istanbul, and then to Cairo, where he met the Egyptian reformer Rashid Rida. As a result, Rashid Rida published an article entitled "The Revival of Dagestanis"in the Cairo newspaper al-Muayyad. 17 During the Soviet period, Abusufyan Akayev was editor-in-chief of Bayan al-Khakaik, an Arabic-language magazine of Dagestani reformers, from 1925 to 1928. In 1928, on charges of pan-Islamism, he was exiled by the Soviet authorities to the camps, where he died.
Finally, a third group of reformers went further and, in addition to calling for reform of the Muslim education system, also criticized the four legal Sunni schools. They called not to follow the opinions of Muslim jurists, but, relying on the Koran and Sunnah, to make independent judgments on issues of Muslim law outside the framework of legal schools (al-ijtihad al-mutlaq).18. This group of reformers was virtually unrelated to the Jadids of the inner regions of the Russian Empire, but had close contacts with Egyptian reformers.
17. Orazaev G. M.-R. Chronology of the life path of Abusufyan Akaev, as well as posthumous events and events related to his name / / G. M.-R. Orazaev (comp.). Abusufyan Akayev: epoch, life, activity. Makhachkala, 2012. p. 248252.
18. ' Ali b. Abd al-Hamid al-Gumuki. Risala fi-t-taqlid wa jawaz al-talfiq (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: FBI IAE DNC RAS, FMS, op. 1, N 37), ll. 101-106; his: Fi haqq al-ijtihad wa-taqlid (in Arabic) / / Jaridat Daghistan, N 31, August 3, 1913. p. 4; Mas'ud b. Muhammad al-Muhuhi al-Daghistani. Hark al-asdad an abwab al-ijtihad (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: personal archive of the author).
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The main and most active figure of this group of reformers was Ali Kayaev (al-Gumuki, 1878-1943). Ali Kayaev received his primary education in the madrasah of his native village. Then he spent more than 10 years improving his knowledge with various Dagestani theologians in the mountains of Dagestan. In 1900, he was invited to Astrakhan to teach at a local madrasa, where he spent 5 years. In 1905, Ali Kayaev left for Cairo, where he taught in one of the madrasas at the Al-Azhar University. While in Cairo, he became close friends with Rashid Rida, who brought Ali Kayaev to work for al-Manar magazine. In 1908, Kayaev returned to Dagestan. Here he begins to actively spread the ideas of Muslim reformism, which he learned in Egypt. In the village of Gundelen (now the Kabardino - Balkar Republic), he opens a new-method madrasah, where he actively introduces the experience of the updated madrasahs of Egypt. Soon he moved to Temir Khan Shura, the capital of the Dagestan region, and in 1913, with the assistance of Governor-General Sigismund Volsky, he began publishing the Arabic-language newspaper Jaridat Dagestan. In its style, subject matter, and issues raised, this newspaper was in many ways similar to the al-Manar magazine published by Rashid Rida in Cairo.
After the establishment of Soviet power in Dagestan, Ali Kayaev left for his native village of Kumukh, where he taught at the local madrasa until its closure in 1927. In the late 1920s, he was invited as a researcher at the Institute of National Culture in Makhachkala, but was soon accused of pan-Turkism and pan-Islamism and exiled to Kazakhstan, where he died in 1943.
It should be noted that representatives of the second and third groups were most popular among reformers. They wrote dozens of Arabic-language works, mostly dealing with the theory of Muslim law and Sufism. Their views, references to sources, and even the subject matter of the theological and legal complex discussed almost completely coincide with similar stories that were widely presented in the Egyptian press of that period, in particular, in the al-Manar magazine. This fact, coupled with criticism of the general Turkic Muslim idea, conscious distancing from the Turks of Azerbaijan and Turkey, as well as complete disregard for the concept of "Russian Islam" by Ismail Gasprinsky, gives us reason to believe that the influence of the Egyptian model of reformism on Dagestani theologians was more noticeable-
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more effective than the ideas of the Tatar or Azerbaijani Jadids.
Unlike the Jadids of the Volga region and the Egyptian reformers, political issues rarely surfaced in the discourse of Dagestani reformers and their opponents. Most of the discussion focused on specific issues related to the system of Muslim law, dogma, as well as issues of education and science. If you look at the chronology of the discussions between the reformers and their opponents, represented by theologians - supporters of the traditional Shafi'i legal tradition for Dagestan, which is closely intertwined with Sufism, you can see that these debates took place in a certain political vacuum. Neither the reformers nor their opponents saw the change from the imperial period to the Soviet one. At the same time, some of the issues raised by the reformers, in particular, the choice of language, show that such discussions were relevant in the Soviet period. This was due to the policy of the early Soviet state on the development of national languages, cultures, and the study of national histories in the autonomous and union republics of the USSR.19
Almost all Dagestani reformers were strongly opposed to the secularization of society, and even in the early Soviet period, some of them wrote works critical of the ideas of materialism.20 All three groups of reformers were categorically opposed to copying any model of European society, and they often called for a return to the" golden age of Islam", which meant the period of"righteous caliphs". And even the desire of Dagestani reformers for IP-
19. For more details, see: Bustanov A. K. Scissors for Central Asian historiography: "eastern projects" of Leningrad Oriental Studies // Orientalism vs. Orientalistika: sbornik statei [Orientalism: a collection of articles]. Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2016, pp. 108-166. Reformist discourse in the politics of the early Soviet state is the subject of a separate study, which leads us somewhat away from the objectives of this article. Therefore, we will confine ourselves to a brief discussion of this issue below.
20. In particular, in 1924, Abusufyan Akayev wrote a work in Arabic entitled "Convincing arguments in the existence of the Creator", where he harshly criticized "the views of socialists who are essentially communists". Ali Kayaev also wrote a work in Arabic, "An Arrow piercing the Throat of an atheist", where he reflected on his dispute with materialists, who came out with both ideas of secularization of society and materialistic views on the structure of the Universe. The magazine Bayan al-Haqaiq, published by reformers in the early Soviet period, also contains a number of articles critical of those who advocate secularization of society.
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They explained their use of the achievements of European science not as a desire to integrate into European institutions, but as a "return of their own lost scientific heritage", which was characteristic of the Islamic world in previous centuries, and then was borrowed by Europeans during the Crusades and Reconquista in Spain.21 This shows the undoubted influence of the ideas of the Egyptian reformers on Dagestani theologians.
The main discussions that unfolded not only between the reformers and their opponents, but also within the reformers themselves, concerned issues of Muslim education, the legal sphere and Sufism. At the same time, it should be noted that there was no clear distinction between reformers and "Kadimites" in Dagestan. Reformers discussed with each other, when each group offered its own vision of the issues discussed, and with those who opposed individual provisions set out by the reformers. Among the opponents of the ideas of reform of Muslim law and Sufism were those who adhered to the Shafi'i legal tradition, including Sufis. The latter generally wrote separate works, first as a response to the reformers ' criticism of certain Sufi practices, and later criticized the reformers themselves for their call to ijtihad. This controversy was reflected in numerous Arabic-language manuscripts, as well as in the pre-revolutionary and early Soviet Muslim press. Moreover, the Muslim press-the pre-revolutionary Arabic-language newspaper "Jaridat Daghistan "and the early Soviet Arabic-language magazine" Bayan al - Haqaiq " - were the platform through which the reformers spread their ideas more widely. This explains the fact that the voices of reformers in the first third of the twentieth century were more prominent in the general background of debates and discussions on various issues.
Jadids and the reform of Islamic education in Dagestan
In Dagestan, in comparison with other Muslim regions of Russia, the ideas of reforming the education system had their own specifics.-
21. Notes of Ali al-Gumuki on the development of Muslim society (manuscript in Arabic; storage: private collection of I. A. Kayaev (born in 1961), Makhachkala, Dagestan); Jamal ad-Din al-Garabudagi. Tarikh al-Kavkaz wa qariya Garabudag, (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: Archive of the IAEE DNC RAS, F. 1., op. 1., N 414), l. 2a-3b; Mas'ud al-Muhuhi. Nahnu wa al - 'uloom al -' asriyah (in Arabic) / / Bayan al-haqaiq. Buinaksk. 1926. N 5. P. 2-3.
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to the traffic police. This was due to the multiethnic nature of Dagestan, as well as to the dominance of the Arabic-speaking tradition. While in the Volga-Ural region we see a large number of Arabic-language works written equally in Arabic, Tatar, and Farsi, in Dagestan the influence of the Arabic-language tradition was overwhelming. National literature before the spread of the ideas of reformism occupied a very limited sphere and was represented only by some fragmentary samples of historical works, dictionaries and short lapidary records.
One of the main issues raised by the Dagestani reformers at the beginning of the 20th century was the issue of teaching and developing national languages and literature. The issue of the language of instruction in this context caused a heated discussion. Among Dagestani reformers, there were several opinions on this issue. So, Ali Kayaev outlined three different views on the issue of the language of instruction in Muslim schools in Dagestan. The first group supported the introduction of the Turkic language, the second group - for teaching in Arabic, the third - in Russian 22. Criticizing all these three positions, Ali Kayaev called for teaching children in local Dagestani languages. This approach was explained by the fact that the Russian language is not the language of Islam, and the introduction of the Turkic language contributes to the marginalization of Dagestani peoples, their inclusion in the orbit of influence of larger Turkic peoples - Turks or Tatars, and, as a result, the loss of their cultural and national identity by Dagestanis. 23 While remaining a proponent of Arabic as the language of science in Dagestan, Ali Kayaev nevertheless understood that this language is quite difficult to learn using the old method. His idea was that Arabic should be taught through the mother tongue. Without denying the importance and necessity of learning Arabic, Ali Kayaev proposed a methodology for optimizing its study through active inclusion of Dagestani native languages in the educational process at the initial stage, with subsequent transition to Arabic.
Arabic continued to play a dominant role as the main language of science, both among reformers and their opponents. None of those who represented places-
Navruzov A. R. 22. "Jaridat Dagestan" - Arabic-language newspaper of the Caucasian Jadids, Moscow: Marjani, 2012, pp. 57-67.
23. Ibid., p. 67.
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He did not advocate the complete abolition or replacement of Arabic by any other language - Turkic or Russian. The reformers and their opponents, with rare exceptions, were united on this issue. The voices of supporters of the introduction of the Turkic language in Dagestan were ignored in the discussions and did not play a significant role.
Abusufyan Akayev also held similar views. He criticized the policy of the tsarist government, which allowed the study of natural sciences necessary for Muslims only in Russian, seeing this as an attempt to Russify Dagestanis. The sharp rejection of the Russian language by Dagestanis as the language of "infidels", as well as the fact that this language was not able to educate local peoples in the spirit of preserving their identity, according to Akayev, left only one way out - to study in their native languages. At the same time, in his ultimate idea, Abusufyan Akayev still remained a supporter of the Arabic language. For him, native languages played the same role as in the rhetoric of Ali Kayaev - facilitating learning and preserving the identity of Dagestanis. Both of these reformers understood that the Arabic language does not pose a threat of loss of national and cultural identity.24
The Jadid schools themselves in Dagestan differed from the "old-fashioned" schools in the system, structure,methodology of the educational process and almost complete replacement of educational literature. 25 In addition, natural and social sciences, such as mathematics, geography, history, natural sciences, etc., were included in the curriculum of new-method schools as compulsory subjects, which were mainly studied individually in the Kadimit system.
It is noteworthy that the reformers taught natural sciences exclusively from Arabic - language and, in rare cases, Turkic-language textbooks. At the same time, some reformers developed their own textbooks in their native languages (Kumyk, Avar, Lak) based on Arabic graphics.
It is interesting that, despite the criticism of the old education system by the reformers, there was no harsh confrontation between the reformers and the "Kadimites" in Dagestan. All criticism Dagestan-
24. Abusufyan Akayev. Problema yazyka [The problem of language]. Orazaev (comp.). Abusufyan Akayev: epoch, life, activity. Makhachkala, 2012. pp. 225-233
25. For more details, see: Kemper, M., Shikhaliev, Sh. (2015)" Qadimism and Jadidism in Twentieth-Century Daghestan", Asiatische Studien - Etudes Asiatiques 69(3): 593.624.
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Russian schools, which were opened after the end of the Caucasian War in 1859, were criticized by both reformers and their opponents.26
To sum up, the ideas of the Dagestani reformers in the field of education were summarized as follows::
1. Active introduction to the educational process within the existing schools of natural and social sciences. The reformers advocated that Dagestanis study these sciences not individually in accordance with the specialization of a particular scientist, but as part of the general educational process in madrasas.
2. Compulsory education at the initial stage in native languages with a gradual transition to Arabic in high school.
3. Selection of a separate discipline "Arabic language" as a tool for studying subsequent disciplines. The grammar of the Arabic language should not serve as an object of separate in-depth study, but as an auxiliary discipline for the subsequent study of Islamic sciences.
In general, the ideas of reform of the Muslim education system proposed and partially implemented by the reformers were not strongly opposed by other scholars. The main controversy in Dagestan among reformers and their opponents turned on legal issues.
Reformers and discussions about Taqlid and ijtihad in Dagestan
In Dagestan, discussions about taqlid and ijtihad have been going on for more than three hundred years, starting from the end of the XVII century. The main discussion revolved around the issue of its fundamental permissibility or inadmissibility, as well as the boundaries of the use of ijtihad.
Shuaib B. Idris al-Baghini. 26. Tabaqat al-khwaj khan an-naqshbandiyah. Damascus: Dar al-numan li-l-ulum, 1996, p. 374 (in Arabic); Abdulla Omarov. Memoirs of Mutalim / / Collection of information about the Caucasian mountaineers. Tiflis, issue 2, 1869, p. 45; Kaimarazov G. S. Prosveshchenie v dorevolyutsionnom Dagestan [Enlightenment in pre-revolutionary Dagestan]. Makhachkala, 1989. pp. 69-71, 89-92; Kayaev Ali. Two different orientations // Medzhidov Yu. V., Abdullaev M. A. Ali Kayaev. Essay on life and creativity. Makhachkala. 1993. Pp. 360-361; Abusufyan Akaev. The problem of language. p. 225.
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The overwhelming majority of Dagestani theologians remained adherents of the Shafi'i school of law, denying the possibility of the existence of a Mujtahid scholar in their midst. Theoretically allowing ijtihad within the existing schools, they believed that at present there is not a single scholar who met the strict criteria that are imposed on mujtahid. As for the highest level of ijtihad (absolutely independent - al-ijtihad al-mutlaq al-mustaqill), Dagestani theologians ruled out even its theoretical permissibility. They argued that the founders of the four schools of law had already conceptualized and researched all the main issues of Muslim ritual and practice, so if there were any unexplored issues, they were of a private nature (khass) and belonged to the" branches "of law (furu'). The latter are theoretically quite solvable by ijtihad in the framework of the law school (al-ijtihad fi-l-madhhab).
Their opponents wrote that many of the solutions proposed in Dagestan either deviated from the principles of sharia law, or did not meet modern realities, so they should be reviewed.
The three groups of reformers identified above had different approaches to Taqlid and Ijtihad.
Representatives of the first group were strict adherents of Sunni legal schools. While they theoretically allowed the practice of ijtihad within the framework of legal schools, they believed that at present almost all the main and specific issues have already been developed in legal systems, so to make new fatwas, scientists simply need to look for analogies in numerous legal writings, without resorting to the practice of ijtihad.27
In particular, one of the followers of this group, Jamaluddin al-Garabudaghi, wrote a brief review of Ali Kayaev's work, where the latter criticized the following of legal schools (taqlid) and called for absolute ijtihad:
There is no doubt that it is necessary to follow one of the four schools of law (madhhab). It is impossible to go beyond a certain madhhab, as well as to mix together the opinions of different schools, choosing for yourself what is profitable (talfiq). And what Ali al-Gumuqi (Kayaev - Sh. Sh.) wrote in his work - I will say that it is impossible-
27. Sayfullah al-Nitzubkri. Kanz al-ma'arif wa asrar al-lata'if, pp. 369-370.
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It is possible to create a new legal school. And the words that Ali al-Gumuqi quoted in his text are just the words and opinions of people, not the Sharia law, which we should follow and beware of what contradicts Sharia law. And al-Ghumuqi's opinion that Allah and His Messenger forbade following the opinion of anyone, and that one should be guided only by the Qur'an and the Sunnah, can be attributed to himself and to those who call for ijtihad without proper knowledge and piety. And to be guided by the books of later jurists ( faqihs) is to follow the Qur'an and the Sunnah, since these same scholars were guided by both the Qur'an and the Sunnah in making certain decisions. We choose an imam (in this case, the eponym of the law school - Sh. Sh.) and are guided by what he has learned from the Qur'an and Sunnah. Our religion is Islam, the purest and most correct religion. And one should not change anything in it by passing unholy (fasik) fatwas, following the call of those who claim to be an absolute mujtahid. And there is no harm in not following them. The liars will be struck by an arrow 28.
This group of reformers believed that the formation of a new Muslim elite with new views is possible only through the development and reform of the Muslim education system and there is no need to reform the Shafi'i legal system.
The second group of reformers tended to develop the practice of ijtihad extensively, but limited it to the legal schools. This group of scholars considered it insufficient to develop Muslim society only through the reform of the education system. In their works, its representatives wrote that it is often possible to meet different, even opposite opinions on the same issue within the same law school, not to mention different systems. They believed that such differences divide Muslims, and this negatively affects the unity of the Muslim Ummah. In this respect, the discussion that unfolded in 1927-28 between Nazir ad - Durgili, a supporter of the second group of reformers, is characteristic
Jamal al-Din al-Garabudaghi. 28. Takriz ' ala ' Ali al-Gumuki wa Ghazanuf al-Qubdani (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: FBI IAE DNC RAS, FMS, op. 1, N 37). l. 113.
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(1891-1935) - and the Taqlid supporter Yusuf al-Junguti (1869-1929) 29.
Nazir al-Durgili wrote an essay where he considered some issues related to the contradictions within different legal schools - Shafi'i and Hanafi. He notes that some later scholars of these schools make legal decisions that contradict the Qur'an and Sunnah. In this case, Nazir believes, it is necessary to reject the decision of this jurist and follow the direct argument of the Qur'an and Sunnah.
He also noted that disagreements in different legal schools are moving from the plane of theology to political hostility. As an example, Nazir writes about the consequences of disagreements between Hanafis and Shafi'is in some historical periods. For example, in the 13th century, when the Mongols laid siege to Merv, the Hanafi and Shafi'i Muslim communities started a war inside the city. As a result, the feud weakened the two groups so much that the Mongols easily captured the city and killed both Hanafi and Shafi'i. The same thing happened in the city of Rey, where there were already three warring groups: Hanafis, Shafi'is and Shiites. The schism is evident even in the worship of Muslim shrines:
We see that the followers of all four schools of law perform the prayer in Mecca and Medina separately from each other, and each of their followers performs the prayer strictly after their imam, as if they are followers of different religions... Moreover, some Hanafi scholars believe that Hanafis should not marry off their daughters to Shafi'is...30.
According to Nazir, in order to overcome this split and unite the Muslim Ummah, it is necessary to apply ijtihad in relation to those controversial issues that contradict each other in different legal schools by referring directly to the Koran and Sunnah. At the same time, Nazir calls for the use of ijtihad
29. A combined manuscript, consisting of three interrelated works: 1. The works of Nazir al-Durgili "al-Ijtihad wa at-taqlid"; 2. Yusuf al-Jungutii's reply "al-Qawl al-sadid" to the work of Nazir al-Durgili "al-Ijtihad wa at-taqlid"; 3. Nazir al-Durgili's reply " Ta'lik al-hamid 'ala Qawl al-Sadid" on the essay of Yusuf al-Junghutiy " al-Qawl al-Sadid "(manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: FBI IAE DNC RAS, FMS, op. 1, N 35), 102 ll.
30. Nazir ad-Durgili. al-Ijtihad wa at-taqlid, l. 3b.
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only within the framework of a particular school of law, he opposes absolute ijtihad and criticizes those reformers who called for it. 31
Yusuf al-Junguti wrote a critical essay in response to the work of Nazir al-Durgili. Commenting on Nazir's opinions and examples on disagreements in various legal schools, Yusuf writes that even if there are such disagreements, it is a great blessing for Muslims, since in some complex issues they allow Muslims to follow different decisions, expanding the scope of everyday Islamic practices.32 Yusuf al-Junghouti also defended the position that it is impossible for any level of mujtahid to exist in modern times and believed that all legal issues have long been resolved by legal scholars, so scientists can only follow these decisions. However, both of these theologians agreed that those scholars who do not meet the criteria for Mujtahid should necessarily follow one of the four schools of law.
At the same time, Yusuf harshly criticizes the Wahhabis, who, in his opinion, called for absolute ijtihad. In this regard, he builds a number of supporters of "heretical" ideas that were spread in the Islamic world, including in Dagestan: The Arab scholar Ibn Taymiyyah and his disciples (Ibn al-Qayyim, Ibn Abd al-Hadi, etc.), then Muhammad b. Abd al - Wahhab and his disciples, then the Egyptian reformers Jamal al-Din al - Afghani, Muhammad Abdo, and Rashid Rida. Moreover, Yusuf considers the last three to be Wahhabis. In particular, he notes:
Ibn Taymiyyah (may Allaah have mercy on him), although he was a great scholar, still his good deeds were mixed with bad ones. He was wrong on a number of basic points, and he was wrong on some particular points. He did not follow the majority of the scholars of his era... So were his disciples, Ibn al-Qayyim and Ibn Abd al-Hadi, who followed his path... As for Muhammad b. Abd al-Wahhab an-Najdi, the head of the Wahhabis and the founder of the new troubles, he followed the teachings of Ibn Taymiyyah in his error, so that pain spread from him-
31. Ibid., l. 5b-6a.
32. Yusuf al-Junguti. Al-Qawl al-Sadid, pp. 316-656.
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some evil... The Wahhabis conquered many people, seized two Sacred Shrines, and committed other bad deeds... As for the wrongdoers Jamaluddin al-Afghani, Muhammad Abdo, and his disciple Rashid Reed, editor of al-Manar, they are also Wahhabis, as are their followers. They are impious idols who do not follow the path of the faithful, who oppose the great scholars and saints; they are imperfect in their religion, they lie, and their masters are members of the society of Masons (al-masuniyya) - a society that was created to choose what is good for people from different religions and religions. customs... The views of these impious Egyptians are similar to those of the Protestants of Europe (Brutistants), who also reformed the Christian religion, considering it good for people. Egyptian reformers tried to reform Islam and called Muslims to their new religion, just as the Protestants did. And there are obvious similarities between Egyptian reformers and Protestants. Both published and distributed books with the aim of disordering people's hearts and minds and turning them away from the true path...33.
Nazir partially agrees with this in his reply essay. He also harshly criticizes those who called for an independent, absolute Ijtihad outside the legal schools, such as the Egyptian reformers and their Dagestani followers, whom he called "Jadids". However, Nazir disagrees with Yusuf's criticism of the Wahhabis, noting that those who were called Wahhabis were actually following the Hanbali school of law and that the term "Wahhabi" itself is not theological, but rather political in nature. 34
Later, this discussion, including criticism/apologetics of the views of Ibn Taymiyyah, Wahhabis and Egyptian reformers, was joined by other scholars who also left their writings.35
The position of the third group of reformers was radically different from the ideas of the first two groups. Reform of Muslim society
33. Yusuf al-Junguti. Al-Qawl al-Sadid, pp. 66-67.
34. Nazir ad-Durgili. "Ta'lik al-hamid", l. 76b-77a.
35. Muhammad b. Zayn al-Din at-Targuli. Muqataba bayna Nazir al-Durgili wa Muhammad at-Targuli (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: FMS, op. 1. N 35), ll. 105-130; Gazanuf al-Gubdani. Risala fi ar-radz 'ala' Ali al-Gumuqi (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: FMS, op. 1. N 37), ll. 107-111.
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They associated it with a radical revision of the entire system of Muslim law and dogma. Followers of this group harshly criticized adherence to any legal school, called for a return to the Koran and Sunnah as the only sources of Muslim law, and to make decisions outside the framework of any legal schools. Having close contacts with Rashid Rida, the Dagestani reformers of the third group borrowed almost all the ideas of the Egyptian reformers in matters of education and law, with the exception of socio-political issues.
Thus, one of the theologians of this group, Masoud al-Muhukhi, wrote an essay in Arabic in the early 1920s, "Burning Barriers on the way to ijtihad"36, where he justified his criticism of the adherence of Dagestanis to legal schools and called for absolute ijtihad:
Many scholars today, in making legal decisions, are excluded from the Qur'an and Sunnah. When issuing fatwas, they are guided by the opinions of later scholars, those who wrote books, commentaries on these books, and sub-commentaries. These modern scholars of ours, who rely not on the Qur'an and Sunnah, but on the opinions of other scholars, do not know where this or that decision comes from, what is its basis or argument. They deny making a decision even when they see a clear argument in the Qur'an or Sunnah. They deny this, saying that the era of Ijtihad ended many centuries ago, there are no more Mujtahids left, and that one should be guided by later books and the opinion of scholars who wrote commentaries and sub-commentaries... Nowadays, it is quite easy to meet the requirements for a Mujtahid scholar. The Book of Allah Almighty is before us, and the hadiths are all collected in books. Collectors and interpreters of hadith have long determined the authenticity or unreliability of a particular hadith, whether it is abrogated or abrogated, determined the direct or figurative meaning of a particular word in the hadiths and wrote about it to everyone in books. Similarly, the scholars have already written all about the unanimous opinion of the scholars (ijma'), so there is nothing unclear about this matter. We can only make a decision based on all these sources... And there is no reason
36. Mas'ud b. Muhammad al-Muhuhi al-Daghistani. Hark al-asdad an abbvab al-ijtihad. The manuscript is in Arabic. A digital copy of the manuscript is kept in the author's personal archive.
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in order to give up ijtihad, except when the person is not a scholar ('awam). When making a decision, all scholars should be guided by the Qur'an, the Sunnah, the unanimous opinion of the scholars and the judgment by analogy (qiyas) to the extent of their abilities and diligence. Even those who have not attained the degree of mujtahid should be guided by the argument [of the Qur'an and Sunnah] to the extent that they are able to understand it. And they should not follow the opinion of anyone, except when they are weak in Fiqh at all... In our century, the ideas of reform of education, science and religion have spread. People were called to the Qur'an and Sunnah, guided by both of them. And when these ideas appeared in Egypt, and also spread to India and Russia, they were followed by Dagestan, where some scholars opposed the rigid tradition of following the legal schools (taqlid), and called for a return to the religion that was in the first centuries of Islam.. Many of our contemporary scholars are guided by the fatwas issued by their predecessors. At the same time, they claim to follow the Shafi'i or Hanafi schools. In fact, they do not follow these schools, because they do not even use the books that were written by Imams al-Shafi'i or Abu Hanifa themselves, and they use fatwas or commentaries of those scholars who wrote later. Thus, it turns out that they do not follow even their imams, let alone the Qur'an and Sunnah, but are guided in their actions and decisions by the books of later scholars. At the same time, the founders of these legal schools themselves forbade following their opinion if it contradicts the hadith. So those who identify themselves with this or that madhhab, in fact, they do not adhere to it... Fanatically following the Madhhab, these scholars prefer the words of a scholar, not even an Arab, to the hadith. Moreover, they prefer the words of this non-Arab scholar even to the words of the founder of the madhhab, whom they supposedly follow...37.
Thus, we can see that, despite the similarity of views on the need to reform the Islamic education system, the opinions of representatives of the three groups of reformers differed on the theory of Muslim law. The followers of the first group remained committed to following one of the following groups-
37. Mas'ud b. Muhammad al-Muhuhi al-Daghistani. Hark al-asdad an abbwab al-ijtihad, ll. 3, 28, 30-32.
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de facto denying the possibility of applying the practice of ijtihad. The second group came up with the ideas of ijtihad, limiting it to the framework and methodology of a particular legal school. The third group generally criticized the following of legal schools and came up with ideas of returning to the Koran and Sunnah, calling for absolute ijtihad outside the framework of any legal schools.
The ideas of the three groups of reformers differed not only in their views on adherence to Taqlid or on the limits of the practice of ijtihad. Their views on Sufism, which was widespread in Dagestan in the first third of the 20th century, were also different.
Sufism in the discourse of Muslim reformers of Dagestan
Sufism within the Naqshbandi and Shazili tariqas was closely connected with the Shafi'i theological tradition in Dagestan. Moreover, the Naqshbandi tariqa was represented by two parallel branches-naqshbandiyah-khalidiyah and naqshbandiyah-mahmudiyah. Sheikhs of the first branch played an important role in the Muslim insurgency in the North-Eastern Caucasus in the 19th century. The second, Makhmudian branch, developing in parallel on the territory of northern Azerbaijan, at the end of the XIX century penetrated to Dagestan, where at the beginning of the XX century, through the above-mentioned Sheikh Sayfulla-Qadi Bashlarov, it united with the Shaziliya brotherhood. Beginning at the very end of the 19th century, the sheikhs of the Mahmud branch of the Naqshbandi brotherhood criticized "false sheikhs" or "impostor sheikhs", those who call themselves Sufi sheikhs without having the authority to do so. Most of their criticism was directed at representatives of the Khalid branch, and these discussions focused on specific issues of Sufi rituals and ritualism, where one side accused the other of illegitimacy and violation of the principles of ritual practice inherent in the Naqshbandiyya brotherhood.38 Later, Muslim reformers joined in this criticism, and their rhetoric was aimed both at criticizing individual impostor sheikhs and at criticizing them.
38. For more details on this controversy, see: Sh. Sh. Sh. Sufi virds Naqshbandiyya and Shaziliya in Dagestan / / Vestnik Evrazii. 2007. N. 3(37). pp. 137-152.
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and to criticize Sufism as a whole as a movement that is illegitimate from the point of view of Sharia law.
Representatives of the first two groups of reformers were generally loyal to Sufism, and even wrote laudatory reviews about some Dagestani and Chechen sheikhs in their works. At the same time, the object of their criticism was those Dagestanis who, without any reason, considered themselves sheikhs, gathering students around them.
The views of representatives of the first two groups on Sufism and Sufis are covered in the pages of the Arabic-language magazine Bayan al-Haqaiq, published in Buinaksk in 1925-1928. This magazine contains a lot of positive articles about Sufism, it contains fragments of the works of both Middle Eastern Sufis of the Middle Ages and some modern Dagestani sheikhs. At the same time, almost every issue of this magazine contains articles where the authors criticize their contemporaries-sheikhs, noting their low level of education, greed, thirst for profit, violation of Sharia norms.
The editor-in-chief of this magazine, Abusufyan Akayev, wrote in one of the issues::
Despite the fact that Sufism is not mentioned in the Qur'an and hadiths, it is still not condemned, provided that its essence corresponds to the Qur'an and Sunnah.39
The magazine's editors ' criticism of some contemporary Dagestani sheikhs sometimes caused dissatisfaction among readers. So, in one of the issues of the Bayan al-Haqaiq magazine, a letter was published with the following content::
I am surprised at how some scholars with great knowledge revile some righteous Sufis who have retired to their homes, remember Allah and His Messenger, read the Qur'an and call people to piety. How do these scholars know that those righteous people are impure in their thoughts or "eat the things of the world using religion"? Why are they called "imaginary sheikhs"? Why can't these righteous people be true sheikhs?
39. Abu Sufyan b. Akay al-Ghazanishi. At-tashaiyuh fi ash-shari'a (in Arabic) / / Bayan al-haqaiq. Buinaksk. N 1. 1925. p. 11.
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And why should they not accept gifts from others when the Messenger of Allah himself accepted such gifts?40
In response to this criticism of the magazine's position, Abusufyan Akayev left his own comments below this letter:
We do not blame those righteous people who live in seclusion in their homes, engage in the remembrance of Allah (dhikr) and live on what they earn with their hard work. On the contrary, we ask Allah to assist and help such righteous people. Our criticism is directed at those who go to villages and cities, demanding offerings for themselves, and hiding behind religion. Similarly, we do not say that all shaykhs are impure in their thoughts, but most of them are. Scholars say that the sign of a true sheikh is that he becomes poor after being rich. And the sign of an imaginary sheikh is his desire for wealth, while before he was poor. And if we look at the sheikhs of our time, we will see that most of them just fit the second description. We will not see that they became poor after they took the path of Sufism and gave away all their possessions for the sake of Allah, as the true Sufis did in the past.41
A different position on this issue was held by the followers of the third group of reformers - critics of legal schools and supporters of absolute ijtihad. As an example of their views, we can cite a letter written by Muhammad Umari al-Ukhli (1902-1940s), a disciple of Ali Kayaev, to the great Dagestani Sheikh Hassan Hilmi al-Kakhi (1852-1937):
My dear! I see what the Sufis of our era are doing. They place their living and deceased guides as intermediaries between Allah and His servants. These Sufis appeal to the shaykhs to intercede for them before Allah [on the Day of Judgment], and they appeal to them to meet their worldly and religious needs. They claim that the path to knowledge of Allah is closed and opens only with the help of sheikhs. They call out to them for help when they are overcome by sadness, trouble, or misfortune....
40. Abdullah B. Kurban Ali al-Ashilti. Fi haqq al-ijtihad wa at-tasawwuf (in Arabic) / / Bayan al-haqaiq, 1927, No. 7, p. 7.
41. Ibid., p. 8.
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And what these ignorant people do is not indicated in the Qur'an or in the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad... Indeed, guidance (ash-shaykhiyyah) and conversion to Sufism (at-tasawwuf) in our era is a trap set by the shaykhs [at the instigation of] Shaitan as a banner of sin and delusion, and preys with it on people with foolish dreams and weak hearts... Closing the gates of Sufism is a requirement of Sharia law today...42.
Another reformer belonging to this group, M.-S. Saidov also had a very negative attitude towards Sufism. Poems written by him in 1924 and addressed to another student of Ali Kayaev, Mas'ud al-Muhuhi, have been preserved. In them, M. -S. Saidov strongly opposes Sufism in Dagestan, accusing Sufis of ignorance and striving for worldly goods. It is interesting that in this poem the author, along with the sheikhs, also criticizes Sufism itself. In conclusion, M.-S. Saidov accuses Sufis of disbelief (kufr), as their actions, according to him, contradict the norms of Sharia law, resulting from the content of Muslim sources.43
Thus, in matters of Sufism, the difference between the reformers of the first two and the third groups was that the former recognized Sufism, criticizing only impostor sheikhs who used Sufism for their own personal interests, introducing into it, due to their ignorance, all kinds of innovations that contradict Sharia and thereby discredit this trend. The third group clearly opposed not only individual Sufis, but also Sufism itself, including Sufi ritual practice.
Instead of a Conclusion: Reformers and Power in the Imperial and Early Soviet Periods
Many of the ideas of Muslim reformers were close and interesting to the pre-revolutionary authorities in Dagestan. Perceiving Sufism as a dangerous phenomenon for the existing government, the imperial government hoped to enlist the support of a certain part of the Muslim spiritual elite. Not by chance the royal admini-
42. Abd al-Hafiz al-Uhli. Al-Jawab al-sahih li-l-ah al-muslim, l. 16-17.
43. Letter from M.-S. Saidova Masudu of Mogoh. March 29, 1924 (manuscript in Arabic; place of storage: FBI IAE DNC RAS. FMS. Op. 5. N 30), l. 1b.
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The section initiated the publication of the Arabic-language newspaper of reformers "Jaridat Dagestan", the main work on the publication of which was carried out by the reformer Ali Kayayev 44. Thus, the authorities supported the anti-Sufi rhetoric of the Dagestani reformers and used it to their advantage.
At the same time, the reformers themselves were not active supporters of the existing government, as evidenced by their later works. However, in the face of the overwhelming majority of supporters of the Shafi'i legal system, followers of Sufism, they understood that a wider development of their ideas was possible only with the support of the imperial authorities, which could provide them with a platform in the form of a Muslim press.
After the establishment of Soviet power, the Bolsheviks pursued a policy towards Islam in the North-Eastern Caucasus based on the same methods and ideas as the imperial government. Realizing the enormous influence of the Muslim elite on the population, they used the policy of supporting the "weak elites" in the person of the Jadids and reformers against the traditionalists. According to the apt definition of D. Y. Arapov, all the work of the Soviet authorities was aimed at expanding the contradictions between the Jadids and" traditionalists", skillfully using one against the other. The chekists quickly mastered the techniques and methods of the imperial security service and actively applied them to the Muslim issue.45
The fate of the Muslim education system in Dagestan in the early Soviet period is also interesting. If Muslim schools and madrassas were still functioning in the early 1920s, then after the Soviet government launched an anti-religious campaign in the late 1920s, their legal activities ceased. This also affected the few schools where teaching was already conducted according to the new-method system.46 Instead of them, and even often in the same buildings where such new-fangled schools used to exist, Soviet schools began to function, which in their structure and teaching methods were similar to the old ones.
44. Navruzov A. R. "Jaridat Dagestan" - Arabic-language newspaper of the Caucasian Jadids. pp. 16-17.
45. Arapov D. Y. Islam and the Soviet state (1917-1936). Collection of documents. Issue 2. Moscow: Marjani Publ., 2010, p. 92.
46. Bobrovnikov, V.O., Navruzov, A.R., Shikhaliev, Sh.Sh. (2010) "Islamic Education in Soviet and post-Soviet Daghestan", in M. Kemper, R. Motika, S. Reichmuth (eds) Islamic Education in the Soviet Union and its Successor States, pp. 107-167. London and New York: Routledge.
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they are similar to the former new-fashioned madrasas. Reformers who had previously taught in the new-method schools were largely integrated into the new Soviet educational system after their closure. This was due to the fact that in the early Soviet period, the Soviet government simply did not have other teaching staff. Other reformers became employees of Soviet scientific institutions. In particular, after the closure of Muslim schools, Ali Kayaev began working at the Institute of National Culture, which opened in 1924 (later the Institute of History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Dagestan Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences).
The integration of Islamic reformers into Soviet educational and academic institutions was completed in the 1930s, when the Soviet authorities already had enough of their own scientific personnel, and reformers with their past religious education were no longer needed. Many of them were shot during the years of repression or exiled to camps, where they died.
Nevertheless, the ideas of the reformers, their views on the reform of Islam and Sufism did not disappear without a trace. The discussion about the "right" and "wrong" Islam in the rhetoric of pre-Soviet and early Soviet reformers and their opponents was revived and continued in the post-war years until the post-Soviet period. In the post-Soviet period, thanks to the fall of the Iron Curtain, Dagestanis were able to study at major universities in Syria, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia. When students returned to Dagestan, they brought with them the same discourses on Sufism and certain legal issues that were similar to those presented by all three groups of reformers. What was new in the rhetoric of post-Soviet Salafis [47] was the question of the need for jihad against Russia, which was hushed up among Dagestani theologians after the suppression of the 1877 uprising in Dagestan by the imperial authorities.
As noted above, Dagestani Arabic-language sources of the first half of the 20th century often compare the positions of reformers with the ideas of the so-called Wahhabis, considering these two groups to be identical. Indeed, methods of reasoning and ri-
47. In this context, by Salafis we mean Dagestanis from among the followers of the Arab scholar Muhammad b. Abd al-Wahhab, known in the scientific literature as"Wahhabis". The terms "Salafis" and "Wahhabis"are still controversial in the academic literature, not to mention the fact that both Sufis and followers of Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab refer to themselves as "Salafis".
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The Wahhabi and reformist torahs are very similar in terms of, inter alia, returning to the roots of early Islam, criticizing Sufism, and rejecting the authority of the four schools of law.48 Nevertheless, the reformers ' ideas about the need to borrow the achievements of modern knowledge and the Salafist turn against European knowledge in the post-Soviet period, while having external trans-regional similarities as a reaction to colonialism, have fundamentally different goals and standards.
The reformers advocated the integration of Muslims into the cutting-edge areas of modern scientific knowledge. They tried to find a way out of the crisis in which Muslims found themselves, and to achieve this goal, they turned to European scientific achievements, as well as to rationalism. In a number of sources, they were even called "mu'tazilites", meaning early medieval Islamic theologians who explained many issues of dogma and law from the position of rationalism, emphasizing the role of reason in the development of Islamic thought. In the ideas of the Egyptian and Dagestani reformers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the reform of the education system was a deeply Islamic project, and the reformers tried to realize their dreams using Muslim sources, symbols, images and arguments. This is their fundamental difference from many Volga Jadids, whose ideas were aimed at a broader concept of nation-building and integration into Russian imperial institutions.
The Wahhabis, on the other hand, while calling for a return to the early days of Islam, rejected both European influences and the role of reason and rational methods in the development of a new legal system. They were strongly opposed to the creation of a new Muslim way of life.
Thus, we can see how similar ideas have evolved over the centuries, been updated and filled in.
48. There are disputes among supporters and opponents of the Wahhabi movement regarding the ideas of Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab. His supporters believe that he was a follower of the Hanbali school of law and that his ideas were aimed only at "purifying" Muslim dogma from later practices. Their opponents claim that in addition to this, Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab also called for the rejection of legal schools and was an adherent of absolute ijtihad. For more details on this controversy, see: Muhammad al-Baha. Al-Fikr al-islamiy fi tatawwurih (in Arabic). Cairo, 1981. pp. 76-77; Muhammad Khalil Harash. Al-Harakat al-wahabiyya (in Arabic). Beirut, 1982, pp. 29-33.
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new content in accordance with the realities of the time. New ideas and practices of the 19th and first third of the 20th centuries were the result of both inter-regional and external contacts of Dagestan Muslims with Islamic centers. At the same time, these new ideas were not copied blindly, but were transformed by Dagestani theologians taking into account local realities and integrated into the local Muslim society.
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