Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2009. VIII, 392 p., il.

ISBN 978 - 9971 - 69 - 424 - 1*

The peer-reviewed collective monograph is a study of the interaction of Southeast Asia and the world of Islam for more than a thousand years-from the end of the 1st millennium to the present day. This chronological scope is reflected in the concept of "longue duree", which Fernand Braudel proposed for understanding the history of man in his relationship with the environment, which is often cyclical and largely determines the fate of individual communities and individuals [Braudel, 1958, p.725-753].

The publication is based on the reports of a seminar held in 2004 at the Asia Research Institute (National University of Singapore). Some of them were published earlier on the Internet (for example: [Laffan, 2005]), but collected under one cover, they better reflect the idea of editor E. Tagliacozzo (Singapore) to explore the diverse forms of interaction between two cultural and geographical worlds: Southeast Asia and the Middle East.

E. Tagliacozzo's introductory article "Southeast Asia and the Middle East: Defining the object of research" 1 formulates the main research problems: how the Middle Eastern varieties of Islam "catch hold" in Southeast Asia; whether these trends have changed during the migration from the Hijaz to the East and whether they have been reinterpreted, if so, in what way; how best to interpret the cultural, political and religious phenomenon of the transmission of Muslim ideas and practices; how the two cultural areas have been linked in order to transmit what has become technically possible; whether the age of colonialism has changed these links; what are the links between the two regions today; whether the means of dialogue between civilizations have changed; what were the mechanisms of communication and how they have changed throughout history.

The monograph consists of four parts.

The first part of" Early Contact Measurements " opens with the article by M. Laffan (USA) "In Search of Java: Muslim Toponymy of Insular Southeast Asia from Srivijaya to Snuka Khurgronje". An American historian claims that the place names known to Claudius Ptolemy go back to the same ancient word "Yava/Jaba", from which the well-known Sanskrit concept (lit. "barley island"). Following the famous philologist Varuno Mahdi [Mahdi, 2008, p. 111-143], M. Laffan places the ancient Yava/Jaba 2 in Sumatra, in the Batanghari River region, Jambi province 3, and believes that this was the first significant political center of the region. The ancient Malay kingdom of Srivijaya, which emerged in the second half of the seventh century, claimed the legacy of the ancient Yava / Jaba and, according to M. Laffan, subjugated real Java (contrary to the theory of R. Jordan and B. Koles about the subjugation of Srivijaya by the Javanese Shailendra dynasty [Jordaan and Colless, 2009]). Laffan claims that the term Shepo, also known in Chinese sources, also means Jaba, and information from the Vietnamese chronicles about the 767 raid of Shepo and Kunlun (Malays?) to North Vietnam (Coedes, 1968, p. 91), as well as data from Cham inscriptions on raids from J(a)va, can refer to both Javanese and Sumatran, i.e. Srivijaya.

The famous Arabic toponym Zabaj found in Ibn Khordadbeh (mid-9th century) and Abu Zayd (circa 916) refers, according to M. Laffan, to Srivijaya, and geographically - to Sumatra, and not to Java, as is thought by R. R. Tolkien. Jordan and B. Colless, who believe that it began to denote the south-

* South-East Asia and the Middle East: Islam, the Movement, and the Long Duration, ed. by E. Tagliacozzo. Singapore: National University of Singapore Publishing House, 2009. VIII, 392 s, ill.

1 The English title charting directions can be translated as "address indication, map directions", but this hardly corresponds to the content of the chapter.

2 In the first version of his work, M. Laffan insisted that the original version sounded like Jaba [Laffan, 2005, p. 9, 11].

3 This was probably the site of the kingdom of Malaya / Melaya, which was ruled by Srivijaya between 671 and 685.

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Most of Sumatra has been occupied only since the second half of the 9th century (Jordaan & Colless, 2009, p. 57-66). Since the XI century, the term Zabaj, according to M. Laffan, loses its exact meaning and is replaced by Qamar, which means the same area - Jambi in Sumatra. The term Zabaj itself comes from the same Yava/Jaba. Since the end of the 13th century, Islam has been spreading in Sumatra, and the toponym Jawa has replaced Kamaru. In the future, in the form of Jawi, it will denote all representatives of the Muslim world of insular Southeast Asia, which was recorded by the Dutch orientalist K. S. Hurgronje when he visited Mecca in 1885.

M. Laffan's article is full of inaccuracies and exaggerations. In his attempt to completely deny Java proper the right to be called Java for centuries, Laffan goes so far as to claim that the Javanese switched to a monetary economy only around 1300, and even then used Chinese coins (p.57, p. 87; 32). It has long been known that the minting of coins in ancient Java began no later than the turn of the VIII-IX centuries [Wicks, 1992, p. 243, 248-250]. M. Laffan does not give any arguments in favor of the fact that Ptolemaic concepts go back to the same word, and does not explain why they actually have the same meaning. the same origin, were divorced by Ptolemy. Moreover, the reference to the Ptolemaic text proves that geographical localization is different. While the islands of Yabadiu and Sabadiba are located in a row (VII, 2, 28-29, and the latter designate three islands of the anthropophagi at once), the city of Zaba is located "in the region of Lestov" (VII, 2, 6), between the "Golden Chersonese" and the "Big Bay". In the eighth Book of Ptolemy, Zaba is separated from Argyra - the capital of Yabadiu - by five other cities (VIII, 27, 4 & 10). G. A. Taronian places the city of Zaba on the south-eastern coast of Cambodia in the area of the modern port city of Kampot (Drevny Vostok.., 2007, p. 403). I would like to emphasize that Laffan does not pay attention to the fact that Zaba is a city, not an island.

M. Laffan does not comment on S. V. Kullanda's hypothesis that the Java toponym is formed by a combination of the local prefix i - and the word *(b)awa ("lower"," down") and originally meant "lower / lower", i.e. "outer island" [Kullanda, 2006, p. 92 - 93], although he mentions it (p. 51, p. 16). Instead of analyzing the linguistic data collected by S. V. Kullanda, he prefers to accept V. Mahdi's assumption that the term Yava / Jaba means "grain" and therefore the Sanskrit toponym yavadvipa ("barley island") quoted above is quite acceptable. 2006, p. 92]. More important, however, is something else: Ptolemy and yavadvipa Sanskrit texts ("Ramayana"," Brahmanda Purana") are famous for their gold and therefore can not relate to Java proper; in comparison with the testimony of the Chinese pilgrim Fa Hsien about visiting Yepoti in 413-414 AD. On the way from Sri Lanka to China, they can only mean Kalimantan (Kullanda, 2006, p. 91). However, V. Mahdi sees Sumatra here [Mahdi, 2008, p. 112].S. V. Kullanda points out the possibility of the existence of a special civilization in Kalimantan, whose language, akin to modern Malagasy, is found in the introductory formulas to the Srivijaya inscriptions [Kullanda, 2006, p. 94-96]. Although there is still no archaeological evidence for this hypothesis, the linguistic and geographical observations of S. V. Kullanda and R. Braddell seem to be more reasonable than the calculations of M. Laffan.

M. Laffan mentions the famous Srivijaya inscription from Kota Kapoor in 686, where the sentence occurs: ("when Srivijaya's army went on a campaign to the land of Java, not devoted to Srivijaya." - Translated by S. V. Kullanda) [Kullanda, 2001, p. 250-262]), and interprets the expression "Java land" as an indication of the previously conquered Malaya-Jambi region in the lower reaches of the Batanghari River (p.23). But he does not refute either the traditional view that this is the kingdom of Purnavarman in West Java [Coedes, 1968, p. 83], or the hypothesis of the Indonesian epigraphist Buhari that bhumi java is the village of the same name Bumijawa in Lampung province on the northern slope of Mount Slamet in South Sumatra [Boechari, 1979, p. 31]. Kullanda believes that the Kota Kapoor inscription refers to Kalimantan [Kullanda, 2001, p. 252, note 2].

Meanwhile, in the inscriptions of Java, the first dated mention of the term Yava is found in a Sanskrit inscription from Changgal in 732: "There was an incomparably chosen island named Java, extremely gifted with various grains, starting with rice, full of gold mines" (- lines 13-14) [Zakharov, 2010, p. 35, 37]. In Sumatra and Kalimantan, as far as I know, no earlier epigraphic monuments containing this toponym have been found so far. The term ri jawa" Land of Java " is found in an ancient Javanese inscription of the Lokapala king Kayuvanga of

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Prambanana 856 [De Casparis, 1956, p. 312, 318], but later, in the inscription of the same ruler from Vuatan Tij in 882, the name of the kingdom is changed to bhumi i mataram [Sarkar, 1971, p. 253, 257-Fragment-Resink, Verso 6]. These facts indicate that in the VIII century. Java was the name of either the current island of the same name, or the kingdom located on it; in any case, this name geographically referred to Java proper.

As for the earlier time, the Chinese terms Yepoti and Shepo, in which researchers see a reflection of the word Java, could well have denoted other areas, which is almost indisputable for the first of these toponyms. The second one is incomparably more difficult to interpret. The Kashmiri Prince Gunawarman preached Buddhism in Shepo shortly before 424, and the kingdom itself sent embassies to China in 433 and 435 [Coedes, 1968, p. 54]. Between 742 and 755, the word Shepo was used to refer to the old capital of the Heling Kingdom, which was replaced by the mysterious city of Half-jiasi (R'o-lu-chia-ssu) according to the decision of King Chi-yen (Coedes, 1968, p. 90). In 820-873, embassies arrived from Shepo to China (Coedes, 1968, p. 107). It is generally assumed that in all these cases, Java itself is meant, because the transcription itself is Java = There is no doubt about Shepo. However, if the term Java really originally meant "Outer/Lower Island" and referred to Kalimantan, as S. V. Kullanda believes, then it is quite possible that the information of the V century. They relate to this island, not Java proper.

M. Laffan states that the first inscription in the Old Javanese language appeared in 804 (p. 23, 52-53, p. 31). This is a clear mistake: the inscription from Haringjing, dated 804, is a late copy belonging to the Majapahit era (XIV century), as described by A. Barrett Jones 4 and S. V. Kullanda [Barrett Jones, 1984, p. 2; Kullanda, 1992, p.20]. The oldest authentic inscription is the text on a stone from the Dieng plateau of 809 AD (Sarkar, 1971, p. 49-52). However, recently J. R. R. Tolkien Sandberg suggested that the inscription from Munduan should be dated to 807 AD and expressed doubts about the date of the Dieng inscription: in his opinion, it belongs to 854 AD [Sundberg, 2006, p. 116, p. 35; 111, p. 9, with reference to Damais, 1952]. A careful reading of the catalog by H. B. Sarkar and L.-S. Dame proves, however, that there are two inscriptions (and if we accept the remark of J. Sandberg himself, then even three) from the Dieng plateau. H. B. Sarkar notes that in the inscription of 809, the ruler of the region (pamagat) Si Dama founded a free state from private ownership (manima, from sima) [Sarkar, 1971, p. 49-50]. Sarkar separately cites an inscription from Vayuku (Dieng), dating back to 854, in which the princeThe raka of the Sisayra region named Pu Viraja exempts from taxes the irrigated fields (savah) in Vayuku for the Abhayananda Buddhist community [Sarkar, 1971, p. 127]. L.-S. Damais in his list of dated inscriptions of Indonesia discussed in detail the date of the Vayuku inscription, but did not mention the Dieng Plateau inscription of 809 [Damais, 1951, p. 29-31; 1952, p. 30-31]. Why L.-S. Dame omitted the inscription from the Dieng Plateau, which is listed as number 2 in the catalog of I. Brandes (Brandes, 1913), remains a mystery. If J. Sandberg is correct in his dating of the inscription from Munduan, which will be the oldest monument in the Old Javanese language.

T. P. Barnard (Singapore) in his article "Hajj, Islam and power among the Bug people in the early colonial Riau" analyzes the role of Raja Ahmad's pilgrimage to Mecca in 1828 in the formation of the image of the Bug people as patrons of Islam among the population of the Riau-Lingga archipelago. Initially, the power of the Bug people recruited by the Sultans of Riau-Johor was based on their military power, but in the 1780s the Dutch inflicted a number of serious defeats on the Bug people, after which their influence in the archipelago weakened [Tyurin, 2004, pp. 158-159]. The restoration of their positions is connected with the invitation of Sultan Mahmud III in the early 19th century to the post of viceroy (Yang Dipertuan Mudd) of Raja Ali and the sultan's marriage to the Bughian princess Raja Hamid. The center of the Bugian community in Riau was the island of Penyengat. Unlike the previous Muslim polities of insular Southeast Asia, the Bughi turned to the promotion of orthodox Islam, which involved a pilgrimage to Mecca. Raja Ahmad, an adviser to the sultans and viceroys, a Muslim theologian, was the first of the Bughi leaders to perform the Hajj. He worshiped the shrines of Mecca and Medina, bought land and houses for future pilgrims, and created conditions for further pilgrimages by the Bugian Riau community to Mecca. By the beginning of the 20th century, almost all of its members had performed the Hajj, which gave them a reputation as one of the most pious Muslim communities in Southeast Asia. One of the Bughi theologians, the son of Raj Ahmad, Raja Ali Haji, a companion of his father during the pilgrimage and the author of the historical treatise " Tuhfat an-Nafis "("The Precious Gift"), left a manual on

4 Unfortunately, having taken revenge on this circumstance, the researcher left this inscription in the list of early inscriptions and used it in the reconstruction of the base of tax-exempt land ownership (sima) [Barret Jones, 1984, p. 18, 83].

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the term of administration " Thamarat al-Mahamma "("Benefits of official duties"), in which the ruler was charged with maintaining orthodox Muslim piety and ritualism and being a personal example for his subjects.

Mohammad Rejwan Othman (Malaysia), in his article "The Origin and Contribution of the Early Arabs in Malaya", highlighted the role of Hadhramaut, a historical region in the south of the Arabian Peninsula, in the history of Islam in the Malacca Peninsula.

The second part," The Colonial Era", includes four articles. M. K. Ricklefs (Singapore), in his article "Connections between the Middle East and the Reform and Renaissance Movement among the Putihans in Java in the 19th century", examines religious processes in Javanese society among the Muslim clergy (putihan - "white"), which included mosque attendants, religious teachers, custodians of sacred sites and students in religious schools (pesantren). Among the Javanese religious elite, especially among the inhabitants of the northern coast of the island, pilgrimage to Mecca grew throughout the 19th century. At that time, Java was dominated by traditional syncretic Islam (kyai) with the worship of the goddess of the Southern Ocean, plant spirits, caves, and water sources. However, the person who made the pilgrimage to Mecca lost his Javanese identity and became a "haji" member of the world Muslim community. Sharia orthopraxia was widespread among Hajj-goers, as exemplified by the Sidasrem School in Surabaya. Complex processes also took place in Sufi orders (tarekat). The traditionally moderate syncretic order of Shattariyah was replaced by the Naqshabandiyah orders of the Khalidiyah branch and Qadiriyah wa Naqshabandiyah. These orders demanded stricter adherence to the symbols of Islam combined with Sufi mysticism and fought traditional Javanese beliefs. Naqshabandiya preached among the Javanese elite, and Qadiriya addressed the common people. Messianic and Millenarian ideas, which spread in the Islamic world around 1300 AD (November 1882) and manifested themselves in the Mahdi movement, also existed in Java, especially in the 1870s. This indicates, according to M. K. Riklefs, the evolution of Islam towards greater orthodoxy and complex changes in the spiritual world of the Javanese.

E. Tagliacozzo, in his article "A skeptic's View: Snook Hürgronje and the Politics of Pilgrimage from the Indies", highlights the deeply controversial activities of the greatest Islamic scholar, specialist in the history of Southeast Asia and adviser to the government of the Netherlands East Indies in Batavia, K. S. Hürgronje (1857-1936) on the example of his attitude to colonial attempts to control the pilgrimage movement from Southeast Asia to Mecca. Based on official letters of K. S. Hürgronje to various officials of the Dutch administration, the image of a thinker opposing government policy emerges, who considered it useless to persecute the haji dress in Indonesia ("fear of green turbans"), decried attempts to regulate and even more prohibit the pilgrimage to Mecca, and noted that the problems of ensuring the safety of pilgrims in Arabia are largely generated by the thirst for profit The Supreme Sharif of Mecca and the Governor of Hijaz, who covered up criminals. He stressed that diseases among pilgrims lead to high mortality, and the requirements of shipping companies to pay for travel in both directions (from Southeast Asia to Arabia and back) and the government to provide proof of such payment for issuing a passport make it difficult to perform the hajj. Moreover, the high price of tickets prevents pilgrims from returning to their native places and forces them to look for work in Arabia. Khurgronye pointed out that the actual fight against cholera epidemics was not carried out by the officials responsible for it in Arabia, that the sheikhs who organized the Hajj pilgrims often sought only their own profit and made it difficult to fulfill the creed. As an Orientalist and administrator, he feared the spread of pan-Islamism, and especially the Ottoman Empire's attempts to speak for the entire Muslim community.

Sumit K. Mandal (Malaysia), in his article "Challenging Inequality in Modern Islam: Social Unrest among Javanese Arabs in the early twentieth century", showed that the religious school of al-Irsyad, founded in 1915, and the fatwa of Ahmad Surkati, which challenged the privileged position of the descendants of Muhammad (Sayyids), played a significant role in the development of the Islamic state. He played an important role in criticizing the social hierarchy of the local Arab diaspora and colonial society in general.

N. J. G. Kapteyn (The Netherlands) in his article "Southeast Asian disputes and Middle Eastern inspiration: European clothing in Minangkabau at the beginning of the XX century" reconstructed the complex process of introducing Minangkabau Muslims to European clothing and the change of spiritual orientation from Mecca to Cairo in their search for the essence of Islam. Until the beginning of the twentieth century, the Dutch colonial administration ordered Malays, Javanese, Arabs, and other local residents to wear

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traditional clothing. At the beginning of the century, these regulations were no longer strictly enforced, and the locals were able to wear European trousers, ties, hats and jackets.

In the Muslim community, the question of whether it was permissible for a Muslim to wear a European dress was extremely important for religious reasons. It was then only about men's clothing. Among the Minangkabau, there were two trends: the old generation (kaum tua) and the young generation (kaum Muda) [Tyurin, 2004, p.280]: the first insisted on the inadmissibility of wearing European clothes by a true Muslim (wearing European clothes means going to the group of infidels - kafirs); the second allowed wearing European clothes. Its representative, Haji Abdullah Ahmad, who published the magazine Al-Munir, asked the Egyptian theologian Muhammad Rashid Rida about clothing, and the Cairo magazine Al-Manar published his answer: "Islam does not oblige people to wear special clothing other than the prescribed clothes (ihiram) for Hajj and umrah, big and small pilgrimage ... "(p. 185). Rashid Rida pointed out that Muhammad himself once wore a Byzantine mantle, and another time a tailasan of Persian origin (possibly a headscarf). Abdullah Ahmad published these materials in his journal. Message from supportersthe kaum tua to the Mufti of Makkah, Abdallah al-Zawawi, with a request to resolve the issue of clothing led to an unexpected result: al-Zawawi forbade wearing European clothing if it is worn to imitate infidels, but allowed it if the purpose of wearing it is to protect from the cold. In fact, this meant allowing European dress for Muslims. N. J. G. Kapteyn believes that the transition to European clothing was associated with the spread of the monetary economy, the growth of individualism, the desire to emphasize loyalty to the Dutch administration and secularization, expressed in the refusal to consider the form of clothing as a sign of belonging to a religious community.

The third part of the monograph "The first half of the XX century" contains three articles.

M. Gilzenap (USA) in the article "Topics and questions for the history of Arab families and inheritance in Southeast Asia: preliminary reflections" shows the mobile nature of families and concepts of kinship among the Hadrami of Singapore on the example of wills of land property. The researcher reveals the interaction of Muslim, English and local law in the formation of ideas about inheritance.

W. Freitag (Germany) in his article "From a golden youth in Arabia to leadership in business in Singapore: the instructions of Patriarch Khadrami" publishes the" Instruction " (tawsiyah) of the entrepreneur Sheikh Abd ar-Rahman bin Ahmad Al-Kafa to his family, compiled in 1907, and describes the history of this family in the XIX century.

Mona Abaza (Egypt) in the article "M Asad Shahab-portrait of an Indonesian Khadrami connecting two worlds " reconstructs the views of a journalist who lived in 1910-2001, left Indonesia in 1965 for Saudi Arabia and returned to his homeland in 1985. An ardent anti-Communist and pan-Islamist, Asad Shahab denounced Sukarno for his communist connections and womanizing. Asad Shahab was associated with the Muslim World League, one of the most influential organizations in Salafi Islam. He believed in Saudi Arabia's special mission to spread pan-Islamic solidarity in Southeast Asia.

The fourth part of the book "Modernity" includes three chapters.

J. T. Saidl (Great Britain) in his article "Jihad and the specter of Interethnic Islam in modern Southeast Asia: a Comparative historical review" analyzes the context of the call to jihad in Indonesia and the Philippines at the turn of the XXI century. This appeal has a national and transnational dimension in each case. In the Philippines, in particular, the potential appeal of jihad is significantly weakened by localism, patronage, and competition among small, disparate Muslim groups. Often, under the slogan of jihad, armed groups carry out ordinary looting. In Indonesia, the call for jihad came amid the dramatic decline of Islam under democratization. At the same time, it has become attractive mainly where Muslims are confronted by armed and cohesive groups of Christians - in the Moluccas and Central Sulawesi. However, as an integral part of Islam, jihad should also be interpreted in a transnational context, because Islam is essentially a project of uniting all Muslims, despite political borders, localism, local practices and narrow interests. The triumph of global liberalism in the economy, politics and culture in the perception of Muslims is achieved at the expense of Islam and means not the expansion of freedoms, but the invasion of colonizing, private interests of the West. According to J. T. Saidl, jihad today, in the conditions of the capitalist market, transnational forces, is often associated with-

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The idea of a modern nation-state that is associated with Christianity and/or perceived as Christian in origin turns out to be a defensive strategy of Islam.

In his article "Comparative Notes on three Muslim insurgent movements in Southeast Asia (Burma, Thailand, and the Philippines)", M. Yegar (Israel) investigated the struggle of the Moro people in the southern Philippines, the Muslims of the Pattani province of Thailand, and the Rohingya Muslim ethnic group in Northern Arakan (western Myanmar) with the central authorities of these countries. He came to the conclusion that all these movements seek at least to achieve political independence and are not ready to accept the authority of non-Muslim governments. Muslims see the basis of the conflict in the religious, ethnic and national confrontation with the central government. The researcher believes that the problem of Muslim minorities in all three countries is insoluble: no government is ready to give up its sovereignty and create special conditions for the Muslim minority, which itself does not want to put up with the rule of a power alien to religion and is not able to integrate into the social structures of the ethnic and/or religious majority. The transition of the territory of Pattani to Malaysia, the Moro regions to Malaysia or Indonesia, and the Rohingya in Northern Arakan to neighboring Bangladesh, according to M. Yegara, " extremely incredible." To date, the active struggle of Muslim ethnic minorities has been stopped, although the problems remain unresolved.

M. Shafi'i Anwar (Indonesia), in his article "Political Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia: The Dispute between "Radical-conservative" and "progressive-liberal" Islam," concludes that there is a low probability of introducing Sharia law in Indonesia, as demanded by representatives of radical-conservative Islam who focus on Middle Eastern models of Wahhabism. He argues that most Indonesian Muslims do not see Sharia as a panacea for all Indonesia's ills and see extreme views of radical conservative Islam as a threatening justification for violence. Shafi'i Anwar stresses that if the government of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono fails to deal with the multidimensional crisis, the influence of radical conservative Islam may increase.

In general, the collective monograph turned out to be very interesting and informative. I think it will be useful for all specialists in modern Southeast Asia to reconstruct various forms of cross-cultural interaction between the region and the Middle East.

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